Equivalent Data From the International Monetary Fund
Variable: Gross domestic product based on purchasing-power-parity (PPP) valuation of country GDP
Note: These data form the basis for the country weights used to generate the World Economic Outlook country group composites for the domestic economy. Please note: The IMF is not a primary source for purchasing power parity (PPP) data. WEO weights have been created from primary sources and are used solely for purposes of generating country group composites. For primary source information, please refer to one of the following sources: the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the World Bank, or the Penn World Tables. For further information see Box A2 in the April 2004 World Economic Outlook, Box 1.2 in the September 2003 World Economic Outlook for a discussion on the measurement of global growth and Box A.1 in the May 2000 World Economic Outlook for a summary of the revised PPP-based weights, and Annex IV of the May 1993 World Economic Outlook. See also Anne Marie Gulde and Marianne Schulze-Ghattas, "Purchasing Power Parity Based Weights for the World Economic Outlook," in Staff Studies for the World Economic Outlook (Washington: IMF, December 1993), pp. 106-23.
Units: Current international dollar
Scale: Billions
Country-specific Note: See notes for: Gross domestic product, current prices (National currency).
Source: International Monetary Fund - 2008 World Economic Outlook
Year Gross domestic product based on purchasing-power-parity (PPP) valuation of country GDP Percent Change
1986 2.992
1987 3.736 24.87 %
1988 4.235 13.36 %
1989 4.541 7.23 %
1990 4.769 5.02 %
1991 5.311 11.37 %
1992 5.817 9.53 %
1993 6.192 6.45 %
1994 6.827 10.26 %
1995 7.421 8.70 %
1996 7.966 7.34 %
1997 8.556 7.41 %
1998 9.08 6.12 %
1999 10.331 13.78 %
2000 11.481 11.13 %
2001 12.709 10.70 %
2002 13.784 8.46 %
2003 15.275 10.82 %
2004 17.211 12.67 %
2005 20.143 17.04 %
2006 23.017 14.27 %
2007 25.9 12.53 %
2008 28.323 9.36 %
Country Comparison > GDP (purchasing power parity)
All Top 10 Top 20 Top 50 Top 100 Demographics: Population Demographics: Population growth rate Demographics: Birth rate Demographics: Death rate Demographics: Net migration rate Demographics: Infant mortality rate Demographics: Life expectancy at birth Demographics: Total fertility rate Demographics: HIV/AIDS - adult prevalence rate Demographics: HIV/AIDS - people living with HIV/AIDS Demographics: HIV/AIDS - deaths Demographics: Literacy Economy: GDP (purchasing power parity) Economy: GDP - real growth rate Economy: GDP - per capita (PPP) Economy: Population below poverty line Economy: Inflation rate (consumer prices) Economy: Investment (gross fixed) Economy: Labor force Economy: Unemployment rate Economy: Public debt Economy: Industrial production growth rate Economy: Electricity - production Economy: Electricity - consumption Economy: Electricity - exports Economy: Electricity - imports Economy: Oil - production Economy: Oil - consumption Economy: Oil - imports Economy: Oil - exports Economy: Oil - proved reserves Economy: Natural gas - production Economy: Natural gas - consumption Economy: Natural gas - exports Economy: Natural gas - imports Economy: Natural gas - proved reserves Economy: Current Account Balance Economy: Exports Economy: Imports Economy: Reserves of foreign exchange and gold Economy: Debt - external Economy: Stock of direct foreign investment - at home Economy: Stock of direct foreign investment - abroad Economy: Market value of publicly traded shares Economy: Economic aid - donor Telecommunications: Telephones - main lines in use Telecommunications: Telephones - mobile cellular Telecommunications: Internet hosts Telecommunications: Internet users Transportation: Railways Transportation: Roadways Transportation: Waterways Transportation: Merchant marine Transportation: Airports Transportation: Airports - with paved runways Transportation: Airports - with unpaved runways Transportation: Heliports Military: Manpower available for military service Military: Manpower fit for military service Military: Manpower reaching military service age annually Military: Military expenditures - dollar figure Military: Military expenditures - percent of GDP
Rank Country GDP (purchasing power parity) (Billion $)
1 United States 13,860
2 China 7,043
3 Japan 4,417
4 India 2,965
5 Germany 2,833
6 United Kingdom 2,147
7 Russia 2,076
8 France 2,067
9 Brazil 1,838
10 Italy 1,800
11 Spain 1,362
12 Mexico 1,353
13 Canada 1,274
14 Korea, South 1,206
15 Iran 852.6
16 Indonesia 845.6
17 Australia 766.8
18 Taiwan 690.1
19 Turkey 667.7
20 Netherlands 638.9
21 Poland 624.6
22 Saudi Arabia 572.2
23 Argentina 523.7
24 Thailand 519.9
25 South Africa 467.6
26 Pakistan 446.1
27 Egypt 431.9
28 Belgium 378.9
29 Malaysia 357.9
30 Venezuela 335
31 Sweden 333.1
32 Greece 326.4
33 Ukraine 321.3
34 Colombia 320.4
35 Austria 319.7
36 Switzerland 300.9
37 Philippines 298.9
38 Nigeria 294.8
39 Hong Kong 293.4
40 Algeria 268.9
41 Norway 257.4
42 Czech Republic 249.1
43 Romania 246.7
44 Chile 234.4
45 Portugal 232
46 Singapore 222.7
47 Vietnam 222.5
48 Peru 217.5
49 Bangladesh 209.2
50 Denmark 204.6
51 Hungary 194.2
52 Ireland 187.5
53 Finland 185.9
54 Israel 184.9
55 Kazakhstan 161.5
56 United Arab Emirates 145.8
57 Kuwait 138.6
58 Morocco 127
59 New Zealand 112.6
60 Sudan 107.8
61 Slovakia 107.6
62 Belarus 104.7
63 Iraq 100
64 Ecuador 98.28
65 Burma 91.13
66 Bulgaria 86.73
67 Dominican Republic 85.4
68 Sri Lanka 83.21
69 Syria 83
70 Angola 80.95
71 Libya 78.79
72 Puerto Rico 77.41
73 Tunisia 77.16
74 Azerbaijan 72.2
75 Croatia 69.44
76 Guatemala 67.45
77 Uzbekistan 62.27
78 Oman 61.21
79 Lithuania 59.59
80 Qatar 57.69
81 Kenya 57.65
82 Serbia 56.89
83 Costa Rica 55.95
84 Ethiopia 55.07
85 Slovenia 54.79
86 Yemen 52.61
87 Cuba 51.11
88 Turkmenistan 47.37
89 Tanzania 43.49
90 Lebanon 40.65
91 Latvia 40.04
92 Cameroon 40.01
93 Bolivia 39.78
94 Luxembourg 38.79
95 Uruguay 37.05
96 El Salvador 35.97
97 Afghanistan 35
98 Cote d'Ivoire 32.86
99 Uganda 31.47
100 Ghana 31.23
101 Nepal 30.66
102 Bosnia and Herzegovina 29.89
103 Estonia 29.35
104 Panama 29.14
105 Jordan 28.18
106 Paraguay 26.55
107 Montenegro 26.38
108 Cambodia 25.79
109 Equatorial Guinea 25.69
110 Honduras 24.69
111 Bahrain 24.61
112 Botswana 24.14
113 Trinidad and Tobago 22.93
114 Senegal 20.61
115 Gabon 20.09
116 Madagascar 19.95
117 Albania 19.76
118 Georgia 19.65
119 Congo, Democratic Republic of the 19.07
120 Nicaragua 18.17
121 Mozambique 17.82
122 Burkina Faso 17.5
123 Macedonia, The Former Yugoslav Republic of 17.26
124 Armenia 16.83
125 Papua New Guinea 16.56
126 Chad 15.95
127 Zambia 15.93
128 Haiti 15.82
129 Mauritius 14.9
130 Mali 14.18
131 Congo, Republic of the 13.97
132 Jamaica 13.47
133 Laos 12.61
134 Macau 12.5
135 Benin 12.18
136 Iceland 11.89
137 Tajikistan 11.87
138 Namibia 10.67
139 Malawi 10.47
140 Kyrgyzstan 10.38
141 Korea, North 10
142 Moldova 10
143 Guinea 9.74
144 Brunei 9.56
145 Malta 9.34
146 Niger 9
147 Rwanda 8.58
148 Mongolia 8.45
149 Bahamas, The 6.93
150 Burundi 6.39
151 Zimbabwe 6.19
152 Mauritania 5.82
153 Somalia 5.58
154 Barbados 5.53
155 Swaziland 5.42
156 Togo 5.13
157 Jersey 5.1
158 Fiji 5.08
159 West Bank 5.03
160 Gaza Strip 5.03
161 Sierra Leone 4.88
162 Eritrea 4.75
163 French Polynesia 4.58
164 Bermuda 4.5
165 Guyana 4.06
166 Cape Verde 3.71
167 Bhutan 3.5
168 Suriname 3.45
169 New Caledonia 3.16
170 Central African Republic 3.1
171 Lesotho 3.09
172 Maldives 2.84
173 Netherlands Antilles 2.8
174 Andorra 2.77
175 Guernsey 2.74
176 Man, Isle of 2.72
177 Guam 2.5
178 Belize 2.34
179 Aruba 2.26
180 East Timor 2.22
181 Cayman Islands 1.94
182 Djibouti 1.88
183 Liechtenstein 1.79
184 Seychelles 1.66
185 Virgin Islands 1.58
186 Liberia 1.5
187 Gambia, The 1.34
188 Comoros 1.26
189 Samoa 1.22
190 Antigua and Barbuda 1.19
191 Saint Lucia 1.18
192 Greenland 1.1
193 Gibraltar 1.07
194 Faroe Islands 1
195 Grenada 0.98
196 Monaco 0.98
197 Mayotte 0.95
198 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 0.9
199 Guinea-Bissau 0.9
200 Northern Mariana Islands 0.9
201 Tonga 0.88
202 British Virgin Islands 0.85
203 San Marino 0.85
204 Solomon Islands 0.8
205 Vanuatu 0.74
206 Saint Kitts and Nevis 0.73
207 American Samoa 0.51
208 Dominica 0.49
209 Sao Tome and Principe 0.28
210 Kiribati 0.24
211 Turks and Caicos Islands 0.22
212 Cook Islands 0.18
213 Palau 0.12
214 Marshall Islands 0.12
215 Anguilla 0.11
216 Micronesia, Federated States of 0.1
217 Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas) 0.08
218 Wallis and Futuna 0.06
219 Saint Pierre and Miquelon 0.06
220 Nauru 0.06
221 Montserrat 0.03
222 Saint Helena 0.02
223 Tuvalu 0.01
224 Niue 0.01
225 Tokelau 0
Definition: This entry gives the gross domestic product (GDP) or value of all final goods and services produced within a nation in a given year. A nation's GDP at purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rates is the sum value of all goods and services produced in the country valued at prices prevailing in the United States. This is the measure most economists prefer when looking at per-capita welfare and when comparing living conditions or use of resources across countries. The measure is difficult to compute, as a US dollar value has to be assigned to all goods and services in the country regardless of whether these goods and services have a direct equivalent in the United States (for example, the value of an ox-cart or non-US military equipment); as a result, PPP estimates for some countries are based on a small and sometimes different set of goods and services. In addition, many countries do not formally participate in the World Bank's PPP project that calculates these measures, so the resulting GDP estimates for these countries may lack precision. For many developing countries, PPP-based GDP measures are multiples of the official exchange rate (OER) measure. The difference between the OER- and PPP-denominated GDP values for most of the weathly industrialized countries are generally much smaller.
Source: CIA World Factbook - Unless otherwise noted, information in this page is accurate as of January 1, 2008
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សេដ្ឋកិច្ចខែ្មរ
Excellencies
Ladies and Gentlemen,
1. First of all, I would like to thank the Conference Organizer (the Ministry of Commerce, the Faculty of Laws, and the Cambodian Legal Resources Development Center) for inviting me to speak at this important Globalization Conference from Business and Law Perspectives. The timing of this Conference is very crucial because Cambodia has been a member of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) for about two years, and we are now actively preparing to join the World Trade Organization (WTO).
2. Knowledge about the Impact of Economic and Trade Liberalization on Cambodia is very significant for our daily work/business as well as for the future socio-economic policies of the Royal Government of Cambodia.
I. Introduction
3. As you already know, in 1979, after defeating the Pol Pot Regime, Cambodia's administration at that time took control of a country in which private property rights had been abolished; property records had been destroyed; former proprietors were decimated or had been displaced; productive assets had largely been devastated; and urban properties had been laid waste. Faced with the challenges of rebuilding the economy, the administration kept real estate, natural resources, and all substantial enterprises under state ownership.
4. In 1985, the administration began to accept a larger role for private initiatives, in particular, by relaxing the collective organization of agriculture and by officially recognizing private enterprises beyond merely household production.
5. In 1989, a decade after assuming control, the authorities launched a broad reform program for the governance of the country's properties. This program gave state enterprises greater autonomy and strict budget constraints; allowed for privatization of state enterprises and other state assets; and encouraged foreign and local private investment.
6. The reform program deepened when the Royal Government of Cambodia was established in 1993 following the General Elections sponsored by the United Nations. The Free Market Economy is scripted in the Cambodian constitution.
II. Core Strategy of Royal Government of Cambodia
7. Since its establishment in 1993, the Royal Government of Cambodia considers the integration of the Cambodian Economy into the Regional and World Economies as one of the core government strategies for socio-economic development and for poverty alleviation in Cambodia.
8. Economic integration will result in close economic relationships among participating members, through the free movement of goods and services, capital and labor, the coordination of economic and financial policies, and information sharing networks. These are factors that stimulate the process of economic liberalization, increase the economies of scale, improve factor mobility and reduce the prices of imported and exported products. Therefore, such integration will increase the attractiveness of Cambodia to investors, promote a higher factor of productivity, and create and develop the comparative advantages of the nation through the participation in international competition and specialization. If economic integration can be properly implemented and handled, it will play a crucial role and have positive direct or indirect impact on economic development and poverty reduction.
9. In this sense, Cambodia applied for ASEAN membership in 1994 and became an ASEAN observer in 1995. Since April 1999, Cambodia has been a full member of ASEAN. As such, Cambodia has participated in many ASEAN economic activities, for example the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), ASEAN Industrial Co-operation (AICO) Scheme, ASEAN Investment Area (AIA), and ASEAN Framework Agreement on Trade in Services (AFAS).
10. In addition, Cambodia has signed many bilateral trade and investment protection agreements with the countries in the region and in the world. Furthermore, being classified by the United Nations has resulted in Cambodia receiving trade preferences (Generalized System of Preference-GSP and Most-Favor-Nations-MFN) from 28 developed countries. Since receiving these trade preferences, Cambodia has exported mainly garments to the US and EU markets.
11. Last but not least, Cambodia is also actively preparing for accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO), which now has 140 countries as members.
III. Evidence of the Positive Impact of Economic and Trade Liberalization
III. 1. Macroeconomic Development
12. When we look at the past economic development in Cambodia, we can say that the achievement was quite favorable for us even though peace and stability only first fully prevailed in the entire country in late 1998 following the establishment of the second Royal Government of Cambodia. This is evidence that economic and trade liberalization has contributed enormously to that achievement.
13. Between 1993 and 1996, Cambodia managed to maintain high economic growth with an annual average of 6.1 percent. In 1997 and 1998, due to the adverse impact of domestic political developments and regional economic turmoil, economic growth dropped to 3.7% and 1.8% respectively. During the last two years, in 1999 and 2000, real GDP growth rebounded to 5.0% and 4.5% respectively. The GDP per capita has increased from US$ 200 in 1993 to US$ 289 in 2000.
14. The inflation rate fell sharply, down from 41.1 percent in 1993 to 12.6 percent in 1998, and to almost zero percent in 1999 and 2000. Curbing inflation is crucial for an economy because unrestrained inflation, as we all know, afflicts the poor first and foremost as their resources are too inelastic to withstand volatile price movements. The exchange rate was fairly stable since the end of 1998 ranging around KHR 3,800 to KHR 3,900 per US Dollar.
III. 2. Impact on Trade Development
15. The total international trade of Cambodia increased from US$ 754 million in 1993 to US$ 2,192 million in 1999 (see also table 1 below); and the simple annual average of growth for international trade from 1993 and 1999 was 23.2 percent. The strongest growths were recorded with 63.7 percent and 65.4 percent in 1994 and 1995 respectively. These were the years of better peace and stability in Cambodia right after the first general elections sponsored by the United Nations, and after the formation of the first Royal Government of Cambodia.
Source: National Bank of Cambodia
16. Cambodia's exports rose from US$ 283 million in 1993 to US$ 980 million in 1999; and the simple annual average of export growth from 1993 and 1999 was 26.1 percent. In 1997, Cambodia's exports went up by 33.9 percent when compared to 1996 because of the MFN trade preference granted by the United States in 1996. But the annual growth rate of exports in 1998 and 1999 were only 4.4 percent and 8.9 percent.
However, in general, Cambodia's exports were strongly supported by the trade preferences "GSP and MFN" granted by the 28 developed countries, especially by the United States and the European Union. The exports under these schemes continuously increased from US$ 102 million in 1996 to US$ 1,012 million in 2000. The simple annual growth rate of exports under these schemes was 84.2 percent (see also table 2 below). The annual growth rates for 1998, 1999, and 2000 were 40.5%, 44.6% and 78.5% respectively.
Source: Ministry of Commerce
17. Cambodia's imports went up substantially to US$ 744 million in 1994 and US$ 1187 million in 1995 or by 58 percent and 59.5 percent, respectively when compared with imports from the previous years. In 1996, 1997 and 1998, trends of imports were -9.7, +1.9, and -1.7 percent, respectively, because of the financial and economic crises in Asia. However, imports rose by 13 percent in 1999 when compared to 1998, following economic recovery in Cambodia and in Asia.
18. The trade deficit declined noticeably, mainly reflecting buoyant garment exports and stagnant imports from 1997 to 1998.
III. 3. Impact on Investment
19. As you may already know, foreign and local private investment was first encouraged in 1989. From 1994 to 2000, investment amounts in fixed assets in Cambodia, declared by foreign and local investors in approved projects, was US $ 6,102 million (see also table 3 below). Investments have been made in many sectors of the economy like in manufacturing, construction, tourism, agriculture, and the agro-industry. With the investments, Cambodia has benefited from the generation of new employment opportunities and absorbed new technology, know-how, and experiences associated with FDI and international trade. Cambodia's production and export capacity have been expanded and strengthened.
However, the amount of investment in Cambodia had not increased steadily because of internal and external factors like the political events in Cambodia and the financial crises in 1997, the economic slowdown in the US and Japan, and the high oil prices, etc.
Source: The Cambodian Investment Board (CIB).
Note: "Investment amount" and "number of required jobs" refer to declared magnitudes in the approved investment projects rather than actual out-turns.
IV. Benefits and Challenges of Joining ASEAN
IV. 1. Benefits of Joining ASEAN
20. Let us now look closer at the benefits that Cambodia gained by joining the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). As a member of ASEAN, Cambodia enjoys the following benefits:
a) Lowest Import Tariffs in ASEAN for Cambodia's Export Products
Under the Bold Measures announced by the ASEAN Leaders at their Sixth ASEAN Summit in Hanoi in December 1998, the original ASEAN-6 have to achieve a minimum of 90% of their tariff lines in the Inclusion List with tariffs of 0-5% in year 2001 (see also table 4). By 2002, 100% of items in the Inclusion List would have tariffs of 0-5%, with some flexibility. This means that Cambodia's products in the Inclusion List with import tariffs up to 20% can enter ASEAN-6 markets with low import tariffs in the range of 0-5 % beginning in 2002. The average CEPT tariff rate for all ASEAN-10 is 3.54% this year (see also table 5). Cambodia's average CEPT tariff rate is 10.4% in 2001.
In addition, the original ASEAN-6 will eliminate all tariffs by 2010 and for the newer ASEAN-4 by 2015, with some flexibility.
Source: ASEAN Secretariat. As of 15 September 2000
n/a: not available
Source: ASEAN Secretariat
Regional CEPT tariff rates are a weighted average with the number of tariff lines in the Inclusion List for 1999 used as the weights
b). Market of 500 Million People
The combined population of the 10 ASEAN member countries is about 500 million people. The grouping, which is also rich in natural resources, raw materials, and land, represents a large market full of economic potential and an attractive destination for investment. The combined GDP of the ASEAN-10 was about US$ 700 billion in 1996. The region experienced high economic growth of 5% to 7% in the 25 years before the financial crises in 1997.
c). Membership in ASEAN allows Cambodia to import fabrics from ASEAN countries to produce garments for the EU market. When Cambodia was not a member of ASEAN, Cambodia had to ask for derogation from the EU every year in order to import fabrics to produce garments for the EU market, and at the same time, to meet the requirements in the Rules of Origin under the European Union GSP Scheme.
d). Cambodia's Membership in ASEAN Increases Investor Confidence
The fact that Cambodia was allowed to be an ASEAN member represents a collective vote of confidence on the country's political and economic situation. This is an important and positive sign that greatly influences the attitude of investors.
e). ASEAN is a training ground for Cambodia to prepare itself for participation in the global economic cooperation, i.e. the World Trade Organization (WTO), because ASEAN trades in goods (AFTA) and in services following the same principles as the WTO for the implementation of its own economic cooperation.
f). ASEAN is a catalyst for stimulating Cambodia's domestic economic and institutional reform process.
g). Cambodian consumers will get better goods and services with reasonable prices.
h). ASEAN will help strengthen Cambodia's position in negotiations with big countries or organizations.
IV. 2. Challenges of Joining ASEAN
21. There are five challenges that Cambodia is or will be facing: expected loss of import tax revenues, financial means, legal and institutional reforms, human resources, and international standards.
a). Expected Loss of Import Tax Revenue
Membership in ASEAN requires Cambodia to participate in an ASEAN economic cooperation like AFTA and the ASEAN Industrial Cooperation (AICO) Scheme, and so on. By participating in AFTA, Cambodia will reduce its import taxes for ASEAN exports to Cambodia to 0% to 5% in ten years, beginning January 1, 2000 and ending January 1, 2010. And by 2015, Cambodia will eliminate import duties for all ASEAN products. Therefore, Cambodia will lose an important part of its import tax revenue, on which Cambodia is heavily dependent (42% of the total current revenue or 65% of the total tax revenue in 1996). Hence, Cambodia needs to reform its tax structure in order to compensate for the expected loss of import duties in the coming 10- 15 years.
b). Financial Means
As a member of ASEAN, Cambodia has to pay contributions to the ASEAN Fund and other ASEAN activities for the operation of the ASEAN Secretariat, for participating in ASEAN meetings and for hosting ASEAN meetings.
c). Legal and Institutional Reform
Cambodia should undertake legal reforms in order to make our current legal system compatible with the legal systems of ASEAN countries to facilitate trade and investment in Cambodia. Laws and regulations to be established are, for example:
Commercial Contract Law, Law on Business Organizations, Commercial Arbitration Law, Trade Marks Law, Law on the Establishment of a Commercial Tribunal, Law on Insurance, Law on Patents and Industrial Designs, Law on Customs Code, and Copyrights and Related Rights Law.
In addition, Cambodia also has to carry out institutional reforms in order to work effectively with the ASEAN countries. Since its preparation for joining this Association, Cambodia has established ASEAN departments and/or bureaus, and working groups in various ministries for dealing with ASEAN activities. Cambodia has also nominated senior government officials to be responsible for different ASEAN activities.
d). Human Resources
There is a lack of human resources dealing with ASEAN matters, especially officials with good skills/capabilities (in economics, trade and English). Cambodia needs further technical assistance to upgrade its human resources. Moreover, Cambodia does have enough manpower so that more officials could be recruited for dealing with regional and global integration matters, if Cambodia would be able to provide better salaries for them. This issue is very important for future economic development in Cambodia. We need to build an effective and capable administration in dealing with regional and global integration matters.
e). International standards
In order to be able to export Cambodia's products and to compete on the world market, Cambodia needs to produce goods and services that meet international standards. Moreover, we also need to have capable institutions, which are in a position to test and certify that the export product meets international standards.
V. Future Policy Options
Cambodia is a small Least Developed Country with limited natural resources, insufficient skill and technology. Liberalization is thus not a choice, but a necessity for Cambodia if it is not to be marginalized in this increasingly globalized world economy.
The benefits from liberalization, however, will not take place in a vacuum or automatically, but in the context of an integral plan which properly defines priorities and sequences of stimulating policy actions.
How fast and how much Cambodia can gain from liberalization is up to the government and to our efforts to create an environment conducive to cross-border trade, investment, knowledge and other resource transfers.
Cambodia
Until 1953, Cambodia was a colony of France. Its monetary policy was once in the hands of France. A monetary union created in 1950 stood for the equivalent of a central bank of Indochina (a region containing Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos).
In the Sihanouk Period (1953-1970), Cambodia began to issue its own currency. This currency, Riel, was pegged to gold, and backed by 13 million non-tradable French francs and 4 million in France's own treasury. By 1969, Cambodia was mired in the Vietnam War and a subsequent hyperinflation. The Riel was devalued and the exchange rates for tourism and imports were abolished.
Since the establishment of the Khmer Republic in 1970, the currency was known as Khmer Riel. During the period of Khmer Republic (1970-1975), the Vietnam War further paralyzed the economy. The species speculations and shortages in basic commodities resulted in radical inflation and currency devaluation. U.S. aid-financed goods flowed into Cambodia. In 1970, a semiofficial Commercial Import Rate was accepted for U.S. aid-financed goods. The exchange rate regime also experienced several changes within this short period. In 1971, a Flexible Floating Rate was established for all transactions except specified government transfers. In 1974, a three-tier exchange rates structure was introduced.
The following Democratic Kampuchea period(1975-1978) was dominated by the authority's aim to rusticate the economy. Economic activity was entirely managed by the state apparatus. The currency was banned. Banks and markets were closed. Barter was a unique feature of Democratic Kampuchea against the rest of the world. (Ear, 1995)
The post-Democratic Kampuchea Cambodia once used old, the Thai Baht, and the Vietnamese Dong for transaction. A national currency backed by rice was introduced in 1980. The currency was named as Cambodian Riel in 1990. Since then, the exchange rate system comprised two rates: the Official Rate and the Parallel (market) Rate. The National Bank of Cambodia adjusts the Official Rate daily to make it close the Parallel Rate. The Official Rate, which is classified as managed floating by IMF, applies mostly to external transactions by the government and State-owned enterprises. The Parallel Rate is tolerated by the government and actually dominates interbank and most other transactions. (IMF 1997, p.154)
The U.S. Dollar circulates freely and is used for payment. (IMF 1998, p.166)
Sources of reference include:
1. World Currency Yearbook. (WCY)
2. IMF Annual Report on Exchange Arrangement and Exchange Restriction. (IMF)
3. Ear, Sophal (1995): " CAMBODIA'S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND HISTORY:
A Contribution to the Study of Cambodia's Economy", Undergraduate Economics Honors Thesis, University of California, Berkeley. (Available online at: http://www.csua.berkeley.edu/~sophal/whole.html).
Please Read more!
Ladies and Gentlemen,
1. First of all, I would like to thank the Conference Organizer (the Ministry of Commerce, the Faculty of Laws, and the Cambodian Legal Resources Development Center) for inviting me to speak at this important Globalization Conference from Business and Law Perspectives. The timing of this Conference is very crucial because Cambodia has been a member of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) for about two years, and we are now actively preparing to join the World Trade Organization (WTO).
2. Knowledge about the Impact of Economic and Trade Liberalization on Cambodia is very significant for our daily work/business as well as for the future socio-economic policies of the Royal Government of Cambodia.
I. Introduction
3. As you already know, in 1979, after defeating the Pol Pot Regime, Cambodia's administration at that time took control of a country in which private property rights had been abolished; property records had been destroyed; former proprietors were decimated or had been displaced; productive assets had largely been devastated; and urban properties had been laid waste. Faced with the challenges of rebuilding the economy, the administration kept real estate, natural resources, and all substantial enterprises under state ownership.
4. In 1985, the administration began to accept a larger role for private initiatives, in particular, by relaxing the collective organization of agriculture and by officially recognizing private enterprises beyond merely household production.
5. In 1989, a decade after assuming control, the authorities launched a broad reform program for the governance of the country's properties. This program gave state enterprises greater autonomy and strict budget constraints; allowed for privatization of state enterprises and other state assets; and encouraged foreign and local private investment.
6. The reform program deepened when the Royal Government of Cambodia was established in 1993 following the General Elections sponsored by the United Nations. The Free Market Economy is scripted in the Cambodian constitution.
II. Core Strategy of Royal Government of Cambodia
7. Since its establishment in 1993, the Royal Government of Cambodia considers the integration of the Cambodian Economy into the Regional and World Economies as one of the core government strategies for socio-economic development and for poverty alleviation in Cambodia.
8. Economic integration will result in close economic relationships among participating members, through the free movement of goods and services, capital and labor, the coordination of economic and financial policies, and information sharing networks. These are factors that stimulate the process of economic liberalization, increase the economies of scale, improve factor mobility and reduce the prices of imported and exported products. Therefore, such integration will increase the attractiveness of Cambodia to investors, promote a higher factor of productivity, and create and develop the comparative advantages of the nation through the participation in international competition and specialization. If economic integration can be properly implemented and handled, it will play a crucial role and have positive direct or indirect impact on economic development and poverty reduction.
9. In this sense, Cambodia applied for ASEAN membership in 1994 and became an ASEAN observer in 1995. Since April 1999, Cambodia has been a full member of ASEAN. As such, Cambodia has participated in many ASEAN economic activities, for example the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), ASEAN Industrial Co-operation (AICO) Scheme, ASEAN Investment Area (AIA), and ASEAN Framework Agreement on Trade in Services (AFAS).
10. In addition, Cambodia has signed many bilateral trade and investment protection agreements with the countries in the region and in the world. Furthermore, being classified by the United Nations has resulted in Cambodia receiving trade preferences (Generalized System of Preference-GSP and Most-Favor-Nations-MFN) from 28 developed countries. Since receiving these trade preferences, Cambodia has exported mainly garments to the US and EU markets.
11. Last but not least, Cambodia is also actively preparing for accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO), which now has 140 countries as members.
III. Evidence of the Positive Impact of Economic and Trade Liberalization
III. 1. Macroeconomic Development
12. When we look at the past economic development in Cambodia, we can say that the achievement was quite favorable for us even though peace and stability only first fully prevailed in the entire country in late 1998 following the establishment of the second Royal Government of Cambodia. This is evidence that economic and trade liberalization has contributed enormously to that achievement.
13. Between 1993 and 1996, Cambodia managed to maintain high economic growth with an annual average of 6.1 percent. In 1997 and 1998, due to the adverse impact of domestic political developments and regional economic turmoil, economic growth dropped to 3.7% and 1.8% respectively. During the last two years, in 1999 and 2000, real GDP growth rebounded to 5.0% and 4.5% respectively. The GDP per capita has increased from US$ 200 in 1993 to US$ 289 in 2000.
14. The inflation rate fell sharply, down from 41.1 percent in 1993 to 12.6 percent in 1998, and to almost zero percent in 1999 and 2000. Curbing inflation is crucial for an economy because unrestrained inflation, as we all know, afflicts the poor first and foremost as their resources are too inelastic to withstand volatile price movements. The exchange rate was fairly stable since the end of 1998 ranging around KHR 3,800 to KHR 3,900 per US Dollar.
III. 2. Impact on Trade Development
15. The total international trade of Cambodia increased from US$ 754 million in 1993 to US$ 2,192 million in 1999 (see also table 1 below); and the simple annual average of growth for international trade from 1993 and 1999 was 23.2 percent. The strongest growths were recorded with 63.7 percent and 65.4 percent in 1994 and 1995 respectively. These were the years of better peace and stability in Cambodia right after the first general elections sponsored by the United Nations, and after the formation of the first Royal Government of Cambodia.
Table 1: Cambodia's Trade Development from 1993 to 1999 in Million US$
| 1993 | 1994 | 1995 | 1996 | 1997 | 1998 | 1999 | |
| Total Volume % Change Exports % Change Imports % Change Trade Balance | 754 | 1234 | 2041 | 1716 | 1954 | 1973 | 2192 |
| 63.7 | 65.4 | -15.9 | 13.9 | 1.0 | 11.1 | ||
| 283 | 490 | 854 | 644 | 862 | 900 | 980 | |
| 73.1 | 74.3 | -24.6 | 33.9 | 4.4 | 8.9 | ||
| 471 | 744 | 1187 | 1072 | 1092 | 1073 | 1212 | |
| 58 | 59.5 | -9.7 | 1.9 | -1.7 | 13 | ||
| -188 | -254 | -333 | -428 | -230 | -173 | -232 |
Source: National Bank of Cambodia
16. Cambodia's exports rose from US$ 283 million in 1993 to US$ 980 million in 1999; and the simple annual average of export growth from 1993 and 1999 was 26.1 percent. In 1997, Cambodia's exports went up by 33.9 percent when compared to 1996 because of the MFN trade preference granted by the United States in 1996. But the annual growth rate of exports in 1998 and 1999 were only 4.4 percent and 8.9 percent.
However, in general, Cambodia's exports were strongly supported by the trade preferences "GSP and MFN" granted by the 28 developed countries, especially by the United States and the European Union. The exports under these schemes continuously increased from US$ 102 million in 1996 to US$ 1,012 million in 2000. The simple annual growth rate of exports under these schemes was 84.2 percent (see also table 2 below). The annual growth rates for 1998, 1999, and 2000 were 40.5%, 44.6% and 78.5% respectively.
Table 2: Cambodia's Exports under MFN and GSP Scheme (in million USD)
| Year | Textile Products | Non-Textile Products | Total |
| 1996 | 80 | 22 | 102 |
| 1997 | 227 | 51 | 278 |
| 1998 | 378 | 14 | 392 |
| 1999 | 553 | 14 | 567 |
| 2000 | 985 | 27 | 1,01 |
Source: Ministry of Commerce
17. Cambodia's imports went up substantially to US$ 744 million in 1994 and US$ 1187 million in 1995 or by 58 percent and 59.5 percent, respectively when compared with imports from the previous years. In 1996, 1997 and 1998, trends of imports were -9.7, +1.9, and -1.7 percent, respectively, because of the financial and economic crises in Asia. However, imports rose by 13 percent in 1999 when compared to 1998, following economic recovery in Cambodia and in Asia.
18. The trade deficit declined noticeably, mainly reflecting buoyant garment exports and stagnant imports from 1997 to 1998.
III. 3. Impact on Investment
19. As you may already know, foreign and local private investment was first encouraged in 1989. From 1994 to 2000, investment amounts in fixed assets in Cambodia, declared by foreign and local investors in approved projects, was US $ 6,102 million (see also table 3 below). Investments have been made in many sectors of the economy like in manufacturing, construction, tourism, agriculture, and the agro-industry. With the investments, Cambodia has benefited from the generation of new employment opportunities and absorbed new technology, know-how, and experiences associated with FDI and international trade. Cambodia's production and export capacity have been expanded and strengthened.
However, the amount of investment in Cambodia had not increased steadily because of internal and external factors like the political events in Cambodia and the financial crises in 1997, the economic slowdown in the US and Japan, and the high oil prices, etc.
Table 3: Investment Trends in Cambodia 1994-2000
| Year | Number of Projects | Investment Amount in million US $ | Number of required Jobs |
| 1994 | 37 | 594 | 21,552 |
| 1995 | 164 | 2,379 | 48,772 |
| 1996 | 182 | 803 | 71,731 |
| 1997 | 206 | 759 | 130,465 |
| 1998 | 142 | 850 | 115,817 |
| 1999 | 62 | 448 | - |
| 2000 | 96 | 269 | 59,279 |
Source: The Cambodian Investment Board (CIB).
Note: "Investment amount" and "number of required jobs" refer to declared magnitudes in the approved investment projects rather than actual out-turns.
IV. Benefits and Challenges of Joining ASEAN
IV. 1. Benefits of Joining ASEAN
20. Let us now look closer at the benefits that Cambodia gained by joining the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). As a member of ASEAN, Cambodia enjoys the following benefits:
a) Lowest Import Tariffs in ASEAN for Cambodia's Export Products
Under the Bold Measures announced by the ASEAN Leaders at their Sixth ASEAN Summit in Hanoi in December 1998, the original ASEAN-6 have to achieve a minimum of 90% of their tariff lines in the Inclusion List with tariffs of 0-5% in year 2001 (see also table 4). By 2002, 100% of items in the Inclusion List would have tariffs of 0-5%, with some flexibility. This means that Cambodia's products in the Inclusion List with import tariffs up to 20% can enter ASEAN-6 markets with low import tariffs in the range of 0-5 % beginning in 2002. The average CEPT tariff rate for all ASEAN-10 is 3.54% this year (see also table 5). Cambodia's average CEPT tariff rate is 10.4% in 2001.
In addition, the original ASEAN-6 will eliminate all tariffs by 2010 and for the newer ASEAN-4 by 2015, with some flexibility.
Table 4: CEPT Product List For the Year 2001
| COUNTRY | INCLUSION LIST | TEMPORARY EXCLUSION LIST | GENERAL EXCEPTION LIST | SENSITIVE LIST | TOTAL |
| Brunei Darussalam | 6,284 | 0 | 202 | 6 | 6,492 |
| Indonesia | 7,190 | 21 | 68 | 4 | 7,283 |
| Malaysia | 9,654 | 218 | 53 | 83 | 10,008 |
| Philippines | 5,622 | 6 | 16 | 50 | 5,694 |
| Singapore | 5,821 | 0 | 38 | 0 | 5,589 |
| Thailand | 9,104 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 9,111 |
| ASEAN-6 Total | 43,675 | 245 | 377 | 150 | 44,447 |
| Percentage | 98.26% | 0.55% | 0.85% | 0.34% | 100.00% |
| Cambodia | 3,115 | 3,523 | 134 | 50 | 6.822 |
| Lao PDR | 1,673 | 1,716 | 74 | 88 | 3,551 |
| Myanmar | 2,984 | 2,419 | 48 | 21 | 5,472 |
| Vietnam | 4,233 | 757 | 196 | 51 | 5,237 |
| New Members Total | 12,005 | 8,415 | 452 | 210 | 21,082 |
| Percentage | 56.94% | 39.92% | 2.14% | 1.00% | 100.00% |
| ASEAN Total | 84.74% | 13.40% | 1.28% | 0.55% | 100.00% |
| PERCENTAGE | 84.74% | 13.40% | 1.28% | 0.55% | 100.00% |
Source: ASEAN Secretariat. As of 15 September 2000
Table 5: Average CEPT Tariff Rates by Country
| Country | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 |
| Brunei Darussalam | 1.17 | 0.96 | 0.96 |
| Cambodia | 10.40 | 8.93 | 7.96 |
| Indonesia | 4.36 | 3.73 | 2.16 |
| Laos | 6.58 | 6.15 | 5.66 |
| Malaysia | 2.58 | 2.45 | 2.07 |
| Myanmar | 3.32 | 3.31 | 3.19 |
| Philippines | 4.17 | 4.07 | 3.77 |
| Singapore | 0.00 | 0.00 | 0.00 |
| Thailand | 5.59 | 5.17 | 4.63 |
| Vietnam | 7.09 | n/a | n/a |
| ASEAN | 3.54 | 3.17 | 2.63 |
Source: ASEAN Secretariat
Regional CEPT tariff rates are a weighted average with the number of tariff lines in the Inclusion List for 1999 used as the weights
b). Market of 500 Million People
The combined population of the 10 ASEAN member countries is about 500 million people. The grouping, which is also rich in natural resources, raw materials, and land, represents a large market full of economic potential and an attractive destination for investment. The combined GDP of the ASEAN-10 was about US$ 700 billion in 1996. The region experienced high economic growth of 5% to 7% in the 25 years before the financial crises in 1997.
c). Membership in ASEAN allows Cambodia to import fabrics from ASEAN countries to produce garments for the EU market. When Cambodia was not a member of ASEAN, Cambodia had to ask for derogation from the EU every year in order to import fabrics to produce garments for the EU market, and at the same time, to meet the requirements in the Rules of Origin under the European Union GSP Scheme.
d). Cambodia's Membership in ASEAN Increases Investor Confidence
The fact that Cambodia was allowed to be an ASEAN member represents a collective vote of confidence on the country's political and economic situation. This is an important and positive sign that greatly influences the attitude of investors.
e). ASEAN is a training ground for Cambodia to prepare itself for participation in the global economic cooperation, i.e. the World Trade Organization (WTO), because ASEAN trades in goods (AFTA) and in services following the same principles as the WTO for the implementation of its own economic cooperation.
f). ASEAN is a catalyst for stimulating Cambodia's domestic economic and institutional reform process.
g). Cambodian consumers will get better goods and services with reasonable prices.
h). ASEAN will help strengthen Cambodia's position in negotiations with big countries or organizations.
IV. 2. Challenges of Joining ASEAN
21. There are five challenges that Cambodia is or will be facing: expected loss of import tax revenues, financial means, legal and institutional reforms, human resources, and international standards.
a). Expected Loss of Import Tax Revenue
Membership in ASEAN requires Cambodia to participate in an ASEAN economic cooperation like AFTA and the ASEAN Industrial Cooperation (AICO) Scheme, and so on. By participating in AFTA, Cambodia will reduce its import taxes for ASEAN exports to Cambodia to 0% to 5% in ten years, beginning January 1, 2000 and ending January 1, 2010. And by 2015, Cambodia will eliminate import duties for all ASEAN products. Therefore, Cambodia will lose an important part of its import tax revenue, on which Cambodia is heavily dependent (42% of the total current revenue or 65% of the total tax revenue in 1996). Hence, Cambodia needs to reform its tax structure in order to compensate for the expected loss of import duties in the coming 10- 15 years.
b). Financial Means
As a member of ASEAN, Cambodia has to pay contributions to the ASEAN Fund and other ASEAN activities for the operation of the ASEAN Secretariat, for participating in ASEAN meetings and for hosting ASEAN meetings.
c). Legal and Institutional Reform
Cambodia should undertake legal reforms in order to make our current legal system compatible with the legal systems of ASEAN countries to facilitate trade and investment in Cambodia. Laws and regulations to be established are, for example:
Commercial Contract Law, Law on Business Organizations, Commercial Arbitration Law, Trade Marks Law, Law on the Establishment of a Commercial Tribunal, Law on Insurance, Law on Patents and Industrial Designs, Law on Customs Code, and Copyrights and Related Rights Law.
In addition, Cambodia also has to carry out institutional reforms in order to work effectively with the ASEAN countries. Since its preparation for joining this Association, Cambodia has established ASEAN departments and/or bureaus, and working groups in various ministries for dealing with ASEAN activities. Cambodia has also nominated senior government officials to be responsible for different ASEAN activities.
d). Human Resources
There is a lack of human resources dealing with ASEAN matters, especially officials with good skills/capabilities (in economics, trade and English). Cambodia needs further technical assistance to upgrade its human resources. Moreover, Cambodia does have enough manpower so that more officials could be recruited for dealing with regional and global integration matters, if Cambodia would be able to provide better salaries for them. This issue is very important for future economic development in Cambodia. We need to build an effective and capable administration in dealing with regional and global integration matters.
e). International standards
In order to be able to export Cambodia's products and to compete on the world market, Cambodia needs to produce goods and services that meet international standards. Moreover, we also need to have capable institutions, which are in a position to test and certify that the export product meets international standards.
V. Future Policy Options
Cambodia is a small Least Developed Country with limited natural resources, insufficient skill and technology. Liberalization is thus not a choice, but a necessity for Cambodia if it is not to be marginalized in this increasingly globalized world economy.
The benefits from liberalization, however, will not take place in a vacuum or automatically, but in the context of an integral plan which properly defines priorities and sequences of stimulating policy actions.
How fast and how much Cambodia can gain from liberalization is up to the government and to our efforts to create an environment conducive to cross-border trade, investment, knowledge and other resource transfers.
Cambodia
Until 1953, Cambodia was a colony of France. Its monetary policy was once in the hands of France. A monetary union created in 1950 stood for the equivalent of a central bank of Indochina (a region containing Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos).
In the Sihanouk Period (1953-1970), Cambodia began to issue its own currency. This currency, Riel, was pegged to gold, and backed by 13 million non-tradable French francs and 4 million in France's own treasury. By 1969, Cambodia was mired in the Vietnam War and a subsequent hyperinflation. The Riel was devalued and the exchange rates for tourism and imports were abolished.
Since the establishment of the Khmer Republic in 1970, the currency was known as Khmer Riel. During the period of Khmer Republic (1970-1975), the Vietnam War further paralyzed the economy. The species speculations and shortages in basic commodities resulted in radical inflation and currency devaluation. U.S. aid-financed goods flowed into Cambodia. In 1970, a semiofficial Commercial Import Rate was accepted for U.S. aid-financed goods. The exchange rate regime also experienced several changes within this short period. In 1971, a Flexible Floating Rate was established for all transactions except specified government transfers. In 1974, a three-tier exchange rates structure was introduced.
The following Democratic Kampuchea period(1975-1978) was dominated by the authority's aim to rusticate the economy. Economic activity was entirely managed by the state apparatus. The currency was banned. Banks and markets were closed. Barter was a unique feature of Democratic Kampuchea against the rest of the world. (Ear, 1995)
The post-Democratic Kampuchea Cambodia once used old, the Thai Baht, and the Vietnamese Dong for transaction. A national currency backed by rice was introduced in 1980. The currency was named as Cambodian Riel in 1990. Since then, the exchange rate system comprised two rates: the Official Rate and the Parallel (market) Rate. The National Bank of Cambodia adjusts the Official Rate daily to make it close the Parallel Rate. The Official Rate, which is classified as managed floating by IMF, applies mostly to external transactions by the government and State-owned enterprises. The Parallel Rate is tolerated by the government and actually dominates interbank and most other transactions. (IMF 1997, p.154)
The U.S. Dollar circulates freely and is used for payment. (IMF 1998, p.166)
Sources of reference include:
1. World Currency Yearbook. (WCY)
2. IMF Annual Report on Exchange Arrangement and Exchange Restriction. (IMF)
3. Ear, Sophal (1995): " CAMBODIA'S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND HISTORY:
A Contribution to the Study of Cambodia's Economy", Undergraduate Economics Honors Thesis, University of California, Berkeley. (Available online at: http://www.csua.berkeley.edu/~sophal/whole.html).
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សេដ្ឋកិច្ចខែ្មរ
The Economy under the Khmer Rouge, 1975-79
Cambodia Table of Contents
Under the leadership of the Khmer Rouge, Cambodia underwent a brutal and radical revolution. When the communist forces took power in Phnom Penh in April 1975, their immediate goals were to overhaul the social system and to revitalize the national economy. The economic development strategy of the Khmer Rouge was to build a strong agricultural base supported by local small industries and handicrafts. As explained by Deputy Premier Ieng Sary, the regime was "pursuing radical transformation of the country, with agriculture as the base. With revenues from agriculture we are building industry which is to serve the development of agriculture." This strategy was also the focus of a doctoral thesis written by future Khmer Rouge leader Khieu Samphan at the University of Paris in 1959. Samphan argued that Cambodia could only achieve economic and industrial development by increasing and expanding agricultural production. The new communist government implemented the tenets of this thesis; it called for a total collectivization of agriculture and for a complete nationalization of all sectors of the economy.
Strict adherence to the principle of self-reliance constituted the central goal of the Khmer Rouge regime. A Phnom Penh radio broadcast in early May (about a month after the Khmer Rouge arrived in the capital) underscored the importance of Cambodian self- reliance and boasted that during the war the Khmer Rouge had used scrap iron and wrecked military vehicles to manufacture their own bullets and mines. The statement made it clear that the policy of self-reliance would continue in peacetime. In another move aimed at reducing foreign influence on the country, the regime announced on May 10 that it would not allow foreigners to remain in Cambodia but that the measure was only temporary; and it added, "We shall reconsider the question [of allowing foreigners to enter the country] after the re-establishment of diplomatic, economic and commercial relations with other countries." Although Cambodia resumed diplomatic relations with a number of nations, the new government informed the UN General Assembly on October 6, 1975, that it was neutral and economically self-sufficient and would not ask for aid from any country. On September 9, however, the Chinese ambassador arrived in Cambodia, and there were soon reports that China was providing aid to the Khmer Rouge. Estimates of the number of Chinese experts in Cambodia after that time ranged from 500 to 2,000. The policy of self-reliance also meant that the government organized the entire population into forced-labor groups to work in paddies and on other land to help the country reach its goal of food self-sufficiency.
The Khmer Rouge, as soon as it took power on April 17, 1975, emptied Phnom Penh (of its approximately 2 million residents) as well as other cities and towns, and forced the people into the countryside. This overnight evacuation was motivated by the urgent need to rebuild the country's war-torn economy and by the Khmer Rouge peasantry's hostility toward the cities. According to a Khmer Rouge spokesman at the French embassy on May 10, the evacuation was necessary to "revolutionize" and to "purify" the urban residents and to annihilate Phnom Penh, which "Cambodian peasants regarded as a satellite of foreigners, first French, and then American, and which has been built with their sweat without bringing them anything in exchange." The only people who were not ordered to leave the city were those who operated essential public services, such as water and electricity.
Other Khmer Rouge leaders rationalized the evacuation as a matter of self-reliance. They told the Swedish ambassador in early 1976 that "they didn't have any transportation facilities to bring food to the people, and so the logical thing was to bring the people to the food, i.e., to evacuate them all and make them get out into the ricefields." Indeed, when the evacuees reached their destinations, they were immediately mobilized to clear land, to harvest rice crops, to dig and restore irrigation canals, and to build and repair dikes in preparation for the further expansion of agriculture. The rice crop in November 1976 was reported to be good in relation to earlier years. At the same time, plantations producing cotton, rubber, and bananas were established or rehabilitated.
While the Khmer Rouge gave high priority to agriculture, it neglected industry. Pol Pot sought "to consolidate and perfect [existing] factories," rather than to build new ones. About 100 factories and workshops were put back into production; most of them (except a Chinese-built cement plant, a gunnysack factory, and textile mills in Phnom Penh and in Batdambang) were repair and handicraft shops revived to facilitate agricultural development.
Cambodia's economic revolution was much more radical and ambitious than that in any other communist country. In fact, Khmer Rouge leader Premier Ieng Sary explained that Cambodia wanted "to create something that never was before in history. No model exists for what we are building. We are not imitating either the Chinese or the Vietnamese model." The state or cooperatives owned all land; there were no private plots as in China or in the Soviet Union. The constitution, adopted in December 1975 and proclaimed in January 1976, specifically stated that the means of production were the collective property of the state.
The Cambodian economic system was unique in at least two respects. First, the government abolished private ownership of land. The Khmer Rouge believed that, under the new government, Cambodia should be a classless society of "perfect harmony" and that private ownership was "the source of egoist feelings and consequently social injustices." Second, Cambodia was a cashless nation; the government confiscated all republican era currency. Shops closed, and workers received their pay in the form of food rations, because there was no money in circulation.
On August 12, 1975, fewer than four months after the Khmer Rouge had taken power, Khieu Samphan claimed that, within a year or two, Cambodia would have sufficient food supplies and would be able to export some of its products. To achieve this goal in record time, large communes comprising several villages replaced village cooperatives, which had formed in the areas controlled by the Khmer Rouge in 1973 and which had spread throughout the country by 1975. Unlike China and Vietnam, which had introduced collectivization gradually over several years, Cambodia imposed the system hastily and without preparation.
The Khmer Rouge, in line with the slogan, "If we have dikes, we will have water; if we have water, we will have rice; if we have rice, we can have absolutely everything," organized the workers into three "forces." The first force comprised unmarried men (ages fifteen to forty) who were assigned to construct canals, dikes, and dams. The second force consisted of married men and women who were responsible for growing rice near villages. The third force was made up of people forty years of age and older who were assigned to less arduous tasks, such as weaving, basket-making, or watching over the children. Children under the age of fifteen grew vegetables or raised poultry. Everyone had to work between ten and twelve hours a day, and some worked even more, often under adverse, unhealthy conditions.
On September 27, 1977, in a major speech celebrating the anniversary of the Kampuchean (or Khmer) Communist Party (KCP), Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot asserted that, "Our entire people, our entire revolutionary army and all our cadres live under a collective regime through a communal support system." He then listed the government's achievements in rebuilding the economy and concluded that, "Though not yet to the point of affluence, our people's standard of living has reached a level at which people are basically assured of all needs in all fields."
Measuring the economic performance of the Khmer Rouge regime was impossible because statistics were not available, and no monetary transactions or bookkeeping were carried out. The economic life described by foreign diplomats, by Western visitors, and by Cambodian refugees in Thai camps ranged from spartan to dismal. Phnom Penh became a ghost town of only about 10,000 people. There were no shops, post offices, telephones, or telegraph services. Frequent shortages of water and of electricity occurred in all urban areas, and the government prohibited movement across provincial borders, except for that of trucks distributing rice and fuel.
Conditions in the cooperatives varied considerably from place to place. In some areas, cooperative members had permission to cultivate private plots of land and to keep livestock. In others, all property was held communally. Conditions were most primitive in the new economic zones, where city dwellers had been sent to farm virgin soil and where thousands of families lived in improvised barracks.
Cambodia made progress in improving the country's irrigation network and in expanding its rice cultivation area. Phnom Penh radio claimed that a network of ditches, canals, and reservoirs had been constructed throughout the country "like giant checkerboards, a phenomenon unprecedented in the history of our Cambodia." Still, rice production and distribution were reported to be unsatisfactory. Rice harvests were poor in 1975 and 1978, when the worst floods in seventy years struck the Mekong Valley. Even after the better harvests of 1976 and 1977, however, rice distribution was unequal, and the government failed to reach the daily ration of 570 grams per person. (The daily ration of rice per person actually varied by region from 250 to 500 grams.) Party leaders, cadres, soldiers, and factory workers ate well, but children, the sick, and the elderly suffered from malnutrition and starvation. There also were reports that the government was stockpiling rice in preparation for war with Vietnam and exporting it to China in exchange for military supplies. This diverted rice could have been one explanation for the people's meager rice ration.
At the end of 1978, when Vietnamese troops invaded Cambodia, the ensuing turbulence completely disrupted the nation's economic activity, particularly in the countryside, which once again became a war theater traversed by a massive population movement. Agricultural production was again a major casualty, with the result that there was a severe food crisis in 1979.
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Cambodia Table of Contents
Under the leadership of the Khmer Rouge, Cambodia underwent a brutal and radical revolution. When the communist forces took power in Phnom Penh in April 1975, their immediate goals were to overhaul the social system and to revitalize the national economy. The economic development strategy of the Khmer Rouge was to build a strong agricultural base supported by local small industries and handicrafts. As explained by Deputy Premier Ieng Sary, the regime was "pursuing radical transformation of the country, with agriculture as the base. With revenues from agriculture we are building industry which is to serve the development of agriculture." This strategy was also the focus of a doctoral thesis written by future Khmer Rouge leader Khieu Samphan at the University of Paris in 1959. Samphan argued that Cambodia could only achieve economic and industrial development by increasing and expanding agricultural production. The new communist government implemented the tenets of this thesis; it called for a total collectivization of agriculture and for a complete nationalization of all sectors of the economy.
Strict adherence to the principle of self-reliance constituted the central goal of the Khmer Rouge regime. A Phnom Penh radio broadcast in early May (about a month after the Khmer Rouge arrived in the capital) underscored the importance of Cambodian self- reliance and boasted that during the war the Khmer Rouge had used scrap iron and wrecked military vehicles to manufacture their own bullets and mines. The statement made it clear that the policy of self-reliance would continue in peacetime. In another move aimed at reducing foreign influence on the country, the regime announced on May 10 that it would not allow foreigners to remain in Cambodia but that the measure was only temporary; and it added, "We shall reconsider the question [of allowing foreigners to enter the country] after the re-establishment of diplomatic, economic and commercial relations with other countries." Although Cambodia resumed diplomatic relations with a number of nations, the new government informed the UN General Assembly on October 6, 1975, that it was neutral and economically self-sufficient and would not ask for aid from any country. On September 9, however, the Chinese ambassador arrived in Cambodia, and there were soon reports that China was providing aid to the Khmer Rouge. Estimates of the number of Chinese experts in Cambodia after that time ranged from 500 to 2,000. The policy of self-reliance also meant that the government organized the entire population into forced-labor groups to work in paddies and on other land to help the country reach its goal of food self-sufficiency.
The Khmer Rouge, as soon as it took power on April 17, 1975, emptied Phnom Penh (of its approximately 2 million residents) as well as other cities and towns, and forced the people into the countryside. This overnight evacuation was motivated by the urgent need to rebuild the country's war-torn economy and by the Khmer Rouge peasantry's hostility toward the cities. According to a Khmer Rouge spokesman at the French embassy on May 10, the evacuation was necessary to "revolutionize" and to "purify" the urban residents and to annihilate Phnom Penh, which "Cambodian peasants regarded as a satellite of foreigners, first French, and then American, and which has been built with their sweat without bringing them anything in exchange." The only people who were not ordered to leave the city were those who operated essential public services, such as water and electricity.
Other Khmer Rouge leaders rationalized the evacuation as a matter of self-reliance. They told the Swedish ambassador in early 1976 that "they didn't have any transportation facilities to bring food to the people, and so the logical thing was to bring the people to the food, i.e., to evacuate them all and make them get out into the ricefields." Indeed, when the evacuees reached their destinations, they were immediately mobilized to clear land, to harvest rice crops, to dig and restore irrigation canals, and to build and repair dikes in preparation for the further expansion of agriculture. The rice crop in November 1976 was reported to be good in relation to earlier years. At the same time, plantations producing cotton, rubber, and bananas were established or rehabilitated.
While the Khmer Rouge gave high priority to agriculture, it neglected industry. Pol Pot sought "to consolidate and perfect [existing] factories," rather than to build new ones. About 100 factories and workshops were put back into production; most of them (except a Chinese-built cement plant, a gunnysack factory, and textile mills in Phnom Penh and in Batdambang) were repair and handicraft shops revived to facilitate agricultural development.
Cambodia's economic revolution was much more radical and ambitious than that in any other communist country. In fact, Khmer Rouge leader Premier Ieng Sary explained that Cambodia wanted "to create something that never was before in history. No model exists for what we are building. We are not imitating either the Chinese or the Vietnamese model." The state or cooperatives owned all land; there were no private plots as in China or in the Soviet Union. The constitution, adopted in December 1975 and proclaimed in January 1976, specifically stated that the means of production were the collective property of the state.
The Cambodian economic system was unique in at least two respects. First, the government abolished private ownership of land. The Khmer Rouge believed that, under the new government, Cambodia should be a classless society of "perfect harmony" and that private ownership was "the source of egoist feelings and consequently social injustices." Second, Cambodia was a cashless nation; the government confiscated all republican era currency. Shops closed, and workers received their pay in the form of food rations, because there was no money in circulation.
On August 12, 1975, fewer than four months after the Khmer Rouge had taken power, Khieu Samphan claimed that, within a year or two, Cambodia would have sufficient food supplies and would be able to export some of its products. To achieve this goal in record time, large communes comprising several villages replaced village cooperatives, which had formed in the areas controlled by the Khmer Rouge in 1973 and which had spread throughout the country by 1975. Unlike China and Vietnam, which had introduced collectivization gradually over several years, Cambodia imposed the system hastily and without preparation.
The Khmer Rouge, in line with the slogan, "If we have dikes, we will have water; if we have water, we will have rice; if we have rice, we can have absolutely everything," organized the workers into three "forces." The first force comprised unmarried men (ages fifteen to forty) who were assigned to construct canals, dikes, and dams. The second force consisted of married men and women who were responsible for growing rice near villages. The third force was made up of people forty years of age and older who were assigned to less arduous tasks, such as weaving, basket-making, or watching over the children. Children under the age of fifteen grew vegetables or raised poultry. Everyone had to work between ten and twelve hours a day, and some worked even more, often under adverse, unhealthy conditions.
On September 27, 1977, in a major speech celebrating the anniversary of the Kampuchean (or Khmer) Communist Party (KCP), Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot asserted that, "Our entire people, our entire revolutionary army and all our cadres live under a collective regime through a communal support system." He then listed the government's achievements in rebuilding the economy and concluded that, "Though not yet to the point of affluence, our people's standard of living has reached a level at which people are basically assured of all needs in all fields."
Measuring the economic performance of the Khmer Rouge regime was impossible because statistics were not available, and no monetary transactions or bookkeeping were carried out. The economic life described by foreign diplomats, by Western visitors, and by Cambodian refugees in Thai camps ranged from spartan to dismal. Phnom Penh became a ghost town of only about 10,000 people. There were no shops, post offices, telephones, or telegraph services. Frequent shortages of water and of electricity occurred in all urban areas, and the government prohibited movement across provincial borders, except for that of trucks distributing rice and fuel.
Conditions in the cooperatives varied considerably from place to place. In some areas, cooperative members had permission to cultivate private plots of land and to keep livestock. In others, all property was held communally. Conditions were most primitive in the new economic zones, where city dwellers had been sent to farm virgin soil and where thousands of families lived in improvised barracks.
Cambodia made progress in improving the country's irrigation network and in expanding its rice cultivation area. Phnom Penh radio claimed that a network of ditches, canals, and reservoirs had been constructed throughout the country "like giant checkerboards, a phenomenon unprecedented in the history of our Cambodia." Still, rice production and distribution were reported to be unsatisfactory. Rice harvests were poor in 1975 and 1978, when the worst floods in seventy years struck the Mekong Valley. Even after the better harvests of 1976 and 1977, however, rice distribution was unequal, and the government failed to reach the daily ration of 570 grams per person. (The daily ration of rice per person actually varied by region from 250 to 500 grams.) Party leaders, cadres, soldiers, and factory workers ate well, but children, the sick, and the elderly suffered from malnutrition and starvation. There also were reports that the government was stockpiling rice in preparation for war with Vietnam and exporting it to China in exchange for military supplies. This diverted rice could have been one explanation for the people's meager rice ration.
At the end of 1978, when Vietnamese troops invaded Cambodia, the ensuing turbulence completely disrupted the nation's economic activity, particularly in the countryside, which once again became a war theater traversed by a massive population movement. Agricultural production was again a major casualty, with the result that there was a severe food crisis in 1979.
Please Read more!
សេដ្ឋកិច្ចខែ្មរ
Who benefits from Economics?
Posted on September 8, 2007 by KhmerScholars
In a world controlled by policies of the WTO and the World Bank, and a nation guided by the Federal Reserve, we might well ask the question. 5th in the series, “Is It Too Late.”
Since the end of the Cold War, there has never been a period where the destinies of so many nations and international organizations been guided by policies from the field of economics, as opposed to politics, morals, sociology or any number of other guideposts. From a sociological perspective, some economic claims are not only false but also benefit the most affluent individuals, enterprises, and countries.
Among the oldest errors are influential distortions of economic and sociological concepts proposed by Adam Smith. Almost as old is the ongoing bias against the tariff policies of Friedrich List which enabled the rapid industrialization of the United States, Germany, and many other undeveloped countries. Both very old and very new are the unnoted inequities of globalization. All pit sociology against economics.
Distortions
Adam Smith is renowned for his The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and The Wealth of Nations (1776). The former is viewed by sociologists as a notable forerunner of their field. Yet. it is often ignored by economists while the latter is considered a foundation of economics.
The first two chapters about “the moral sentiments” focus on sympathy, such as “the fellow-feeling for the misery of others” which appears in his first paragraph. To economists, self-interest, not sympathy nor “fellow-feeling,” is considered relevant to their studies. Justice was another important sentiment to Adam, also evident in the final 280 pages in the latter book on justice and government–often considered by economists as barriers to progress.
While ‘the “invisible hand” is mentioned only once in each book, it often appears linked by economists to “of the market place.” Not by Adam Smith. To economists, the market place is considered to be a self-regulating entity. That idea came about early in the 18th century when British evangelicals coined that phrase, later adopted by early economists.
Although “laissez-faire” and “free trade” are often attributed to Adam Smith, neither term appears in his books. He was critical of the limits on imports by mercantilists who believed only in exports as the only source of gold–their criterion of wealth.
While reducing wages and pensions is often recommended by economists to improve international free trade, Adam Smith had a different view. As he put it, “The liberal reward of labor…is the natural symptom of increasing national wealth.” Not apparent in contemporary economics is Smith’s contention that “Labour, therefore, is the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities.”
How Smith views entrepreneurs differs greatly from those of economists.To him, “People of the same trade meet together, even for merriment or diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public.” Nor are they likely to agree with his claim that “We rarely hear of the combinations of masters, though frequently of those of workmen.”
Contemporary “combinations of masters” are far more powerful than those of workers. Today’s most influential “masters” are not individuals but enormous conglomerates. According to Fortune 500, in 2006 America’s largest corporation Exxon Mobil had revenues of $340 billion and Wal-Mart stores had revenues of $315 billion.
In these many ways. modern economics has quite different interpretations of Adam Smith than that in his major lengthy biography by Ian Ross who described Smith’s aim “to help us to aspire to virtue rather than wealth.” These misrepresentations of Adam Smith clearly benefit business and wealth while harming workers and the less affluent.
Bias
Half of the textiles once made in the United States now are produced in China. Industry owners and workers contend that the remainder will vanish unless our textiles are protected by tariffs. Free trade advocates oppose tariffs as outdated and harmful. Still, American tariffs created the textile industry and many others during a century of protectionism. Those tariffs enabled America’s rapid industrialization. Friedrich List played a major role in the use of tariffs for the modernizing of the United States.
When List arrived in the United States from Germany in 1825, a few tariffs existed on imports. Soon afterward, he wrote his famed Outlines of American Political Economy. The “American system.” as List described it, could “grow powerful only by fostering the manufacturing interest.” For that purpose, he suggested that tariffs were necessary to the well-being and the future of the United States.
With the assistance of Henry Clay, Charles Ingersol, and Mathew Carey, he traveled about and lectured on the need for tariffs to build up American industry. Those efforts helped bring about more and larger tariffs and new factories. Large tariffs on industrial imports were retained for about a century in the United States. The last large but unneeded tariff was approved by president Herbert Hoover and rejected by his successor president Franklin D. Roosevelt.
In 1832, List was appointed American consul to several German cities. While there he wrote The National System of Political Economy. In it, he wrote that: “The power of producing wealth is therefore infinitely more important than wealth itself.” List argued that economics cannot be separated from politics, which deals with matters of state and nation. Not so, according to modern economists.
His efforts soon resulted in the unification of the separate German states, the elimination of state tariffs, and creation of national tariffs to protect the development of the new German nation. Their adoption soon put that country on the way to becoming rich and powerful. His ideas gradually spread to many other countries.
Although Germany highly honors Friedrich List with books about him and memorials to him., he is barely known in the United States. His ideas about the importance of tariffs are either neglected or derided. Instead, free trade is the dominant idea of contemporary economists.
Yet, a 2000 study by Kevin O’Rourke has disclosed that ten nations had benefitted from tariffs between 1875 and 1913. They were Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The author concluded that “Tariffs were positively correlated with growth in these countries.” Such reports confirm the ongoing importance of Friedrich List.
In the 2004 edition of Governing The Market, Robert Wade described how east Asian governments aided the industrialization and modernization of their economies. This was by blocking free trade through tariffs placed on imports, especially of manufactures. Winning an award in political economy, the book offers a stinging critique of free market theory.
The bias against tariffs and Friedrich List is prevalent in contemporary economics. That bias is evident in American politics and policy. Its dire consequences mostly effect workers and small business owners. They are most beneficial to multinational corporations and their control by the wealthiest shareholders.
Inequities
In The Life of Reason, philosopher George Santayana wrote; “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” Friedrich List based his recommendations for tariffs on careful historical research. Modern economics is ahistorical, basing its policies on theories. Also, the
economic case for globalization has ignored the costs, damage, and inequities of an earlier globalization.
Especially harmed during 16th to 18th century globalization were millions of slaves brought from Africa to the Americas. That slave trade has been called Globalization of Forced Labor, the subtitle of a 1996 book on colonization. Slave trade and profitability took place under a system called mercantilism. Not free trade, but barring imports and acquiring gold, were believed to be the main source of wealth. Slavery was a major source of such wealth and a major cause of America’s Civil War.
Marc Ferro’s Colonization: A Global History describes a several-centuries-old globalization process. It is a detailed, analytic report of colony founders, nature, eras, and outcomes. In its “First the Portuguese,” he points out their early colonization efforts, soon followed by Spain and Great Britain. Ferro’s book contains much data about the damaging effects of colonization upon many nations. For the United States, only its early revolution and tariff protections avoided their many losses.
Many of the first media reports about today’s globalization were quite favorable. Still, the objections began early with demonstrations by environmentalists and unions. Then, serious criticisms were raised by journalists and especially by such books as Globalization in Question, Globalization and Its Discontents, and The End of Globalization.
When contemporary globalization was said to have begun its sudden increase in the 1980s, governments, corporations, and economists were its prime advocates. Their viewpoints and goals played a dominant role in the globalization process. Yet, its advocates paid scant attention to prior globalization with similar founders and their interconnected actions.
A 1998 book on corporate crimes notes that multinational corporations are being transformed into transnational corporations which are “everywhere abroad and nowhere at home…have no specific national identity.” The 1999 book Globalization in Question states that the TNCs “would be genuine footloose capital without specific national identification.” Or oversight. Another 1999 report on “The Globalization of Crime” reports that it takes “the form of fraud, environmental pollution, market interference, corruption, occupational health and safety offenses, or tax evasion.”
The bestseller The World is Flat by journalist Thomas L. Friedman makes the misleading claim “How the World Became Flat,” the title of his over 200 page first chapter. It lists ten “flatteners” equalizing nations which begins with his experiences at a golf course in India. He described many buildings and other signs of American enterprises, scant evidence for flattening. In his mentions of the World Bank, he does not cite their data about the dozens of stagnant nations and the harmfulness of modern globalization.
World Bank reports, ignored by economists and Friedman, reveal the international damage that has resulted from a mere twenty-odd years of this free trade globalization. According to its 2002 report, 3l out of the 42 countries designated as “heavily indebted poor countries” have failed by the HIPC process standards. That applies to about two billion people “becoming marginal to the world economy.”
That comprehensive report dealt with conditions responsible for the hazardous future of nearly one-third of the world’s total population. As the World Bank has been a strong supporter of this current globalization movement, their estimate is not likely to be an exaggeration. In addition to such billions of people, however, are job and income losses in affluent nations also being marginalized by ongoing free trade globalization.
Many of the marginalizations and civil wars are taking place among the former colonies of the prior globalization. Typical of both is Bolivia, a Spanish colony for 300 years. As an outcome of past, as well as of current free trade, Bolivia remains among the the poorest countries in South America. Yet, it obeyed the stringent, and apparently harmful, requirements of the International Monetary Fund.
In Africa, 3 million people are believed to have died from recent civil wars and related diseases in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Another former colony, that nation lost over five million lives during the early 20th century under the control of Belgium. It also has been bypassed by the last twenty years of contemporary globalization.
The benefits of globalization have not been the poorer nations or the low paid workers of industrialized nation. Rather, the profitability of free trade has gone to rich nations, corporations, and individuals.
Conclusion
Economists are responsible for many distortions, omissions, biases, and inequities about economic matters. Those misconceptions have benefited the wealthiest and harmed the rest. Economists strongly endorse the unregulated, uncontrollable hedge funds and private equity funds which mainly benefit the very rich while recommending reduced wages and pension funds for workers.
Who benefits most from globalization? The free trade agreements that are favored by economists mostly harm the poorest two billion human beings for the benefit of the more affluent ones. The evidence is substantial and incontestable.
Please Read more!
Posted on September 8, 2007 by KhmerScholars
In a world controlled by policies of the WTO and the World Bank, and a nation guided by the Federal Reserve, we might well ask the question. 5th in the series, “Is It Too Late.”
Since the end of the Cold War, there has never been a period where the destinies of so many nations and international organizations been guided by policies from the field of economics, as opposed to politics, morals, sociology or any number of other guideposts. From a sociological perspective, some economic claims are not only false but also benefit the most affluent individuals, enterprises, and countries.
Among the oldest errors are influential distortions of economic and sociological concepts proposed by Adam Smith. Almost as old is the ongoing bias against the tariff policies of Friedrich List which enabled the rapid industrialization of the United States, Germany, and many other undeveloped countries. Both very old and very new are the unnoted inequities of globalization. All pit sociology against economics.
Distortions
Adam Smith is renowned for his The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and The Wealth of Nations (1776). The former is viewed by sociologists as a notable forerunner of their field. Yet. it is often ignored by economists while the latter is considered a foundation of economics.
The first two chapters about “the moral sentiments” focus on sympathy, such as “the fellow-feeling for the misery of others” which appears in his first paragraph. To economists, self-interest, not sympathy nor “fellow-feeling,” is considered relevant to their studies. Justice was another important sentiment to Adam, also evident in the final 280 pages in the latter book on justice and government–often considered by economists as barriers to progress.
While ‘the “invisible hand” is mentioned only once in each book, it often appears linked by economists to “of the market place.” Not by Adam Smith. To economists, the market place is considered to be a self-regulating entity. That idea came about early in the 18th century when British evangelicals coined that phrase, later adopted by early economists.
Although “laissez-faire” and “free trade” are often attributed to Adam Smith, neither term appears in his books. He was critical of the limits on imports by mercantilists who believed only in exports as the only source of gold–their criterion of wealth.
While reducing wages and pensions is often recommended by economists to improve international free trade, Adam Smith had a different view. As he put it, “The liberal reward of labor…is the natural symptom of increasing national wealth.” Not apparent in contemporary economics is Smith’s contention that “Labour, therefore, is the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities.”
How Smith views entrepreneurs differs greatly from those of economists.To him, “People of the same trade meet together, even for merriment or diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public.” Nor are they likely to agree with his claim that “We rarely hear of the combinations of masters, though frequently of those of workmen.”
Contemporary “combinations of masters” are far more powerful than those of workers. Today’s most influential “masters” are not individuals but enormous conglomerates. According to Fortune 500, in 2006 America’s largest corporation Exxon Mobil had revenues of $340 billion and Wal-Mart stores had revenues of $315 billion.
In these many ways. modern economics has quite different interpretations of Adam Smith than that in his major lengthy biography by Ian Ross who described Smith’s aim “to help us to aspire to virtue rather than wealth.” These misrepresentations of Adam Smith clearly benefit business and wealth while harming workers and the less affluent.
Bias
Half of the textiles once made in the United States now are produced in China. Industry owners and workers contend that the remainder will vanish unless our textiles are protected by tariffs. Free trade advocates oppose tariffs as outdated and harmful. Still, American tariffs created the textile industry and many others during a century of protectionism. Those tariffs enabled America’s rapid industrialization. Friedrich List played a major role in the use of tariffs for the modernizing of the United States.
When List arrived in the United States from Germany in 1825, a few tariffs existed on imports. Soon afterward, he wrote his famed Outlines of American Political Economy. The “American system.” as List described it, could “grow powerful only by fostering the manufacturing interest.” For that purpose, he suggested that tariffs were necessary to the well-being and the future of the United States.
With the assistance of Henry Clay, Charles Ingersol, and Mathew Carey, he traveled about and lectured on the need for tariffs to build up American industry. Those efforts helped bring about more and larger tariffs and new factories. Large tariffs on industrial imports were retained for about a century in the United States. The last large but unneeded tariff was approved by president Herbert Hoover and rejected by his successor president Franklin D. Roosevelt.
In 1832, List was appointed American consul to several German cities. While there he wrote The National System of Political Economy. In it, he wrote that: “The power of producing wealth is therefore infinitely more important than wealth itself.” List argued that economics cannot be separated from politics, which deals with matters of state and nation. Not so, according to modern economists.
His efforts soon resulted in the unification of the separate German states, the elimination of state tariffs, and creation of national tariffs to protect the development of the new German nation. Their adoption soon put that country on the way to becoming rich and powerful. His ideas gradually spread to many other countries.
Although Germany highly honors Friedrich List with books about him and memorials to him., he is barely known in the United States. His ideas about the importance of tariffs are either neglected or derided. Instead, free trade is the dominant idea of contemporary economists.
Yet, a 2000 study by Kevin O’Rourke has disclosed that ten nations had benefitted from tariffs between 1875 and 1913. They were Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The author concluded that “Tariffs were positively correlated with growth in these countries.” Such reports confirm the ongoing importance of Friedrich List.
In the 2004 edition of Governing The Market, Robert Wade described how east Asian governments aided the industrialization and modernization of their economies. This was by blocking free trade through tariffs placed on imports, especially of manufactures. Winning an award in political economy, the book offers a stinging critique of free market theory.
The bias against tariffs and Friedrich List is prevalent in contemporary economics. That bias is evident in American politics and policy. Its dire consequences mostly effect workers and small business owners. They are most beneficial to multinational corporations and their control by the wealthiest shareholders.
Inequities
In The Life of Reason, philosopher George Santayana wrote; “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” Friedrich List based his recommendations for tariffs on careful historical research. Modern economics is ahistorical, basing its policies on theories. Also, the
economic case for globalization has ignored the costs, damage, and inequities of an earlier globalization.
Especially harmed during 16th to 18th century globalization were millions of slaves brought from Africa to the Americas. That slave trade has been called Globalization of Forced Labor, the subtitle of a 1996 book on colonization. Slave trade and profitability took place under a system called mercantilism. Not free trade, but barring imports and acquiring gold, were believed to be the main source of wealth. Slavery was a major source of such wealth and a major cause of America’s Civil War.
Marc Ferro’s Colonization: A Global History describes a several-centuries-old globalization process. It is a detailed, analytic report of colony founders, nature, eras, and outcomes. In its “First the Portuguese,” he points out their early colonization efforts, soon followed by Spain and Great Britain. Ferro’s book contains much data about the damaging effects of colonization upon many nations. For the United States, only its early revolution and tariff protections avoided their many losses.
Many of the first media reports about today’s globalization were quite favorable. Still, the objections began early with demonstrations by environmentalists and unions. Then, serious criticisms were raised by journalists and especially by such books as Globalization in Question, Globalization and Its Discontents, and The End of Globalization.
When contemporary globalization was said to have begun its sudden increase in the 1980s, governments, corporations, and economists were its prime advocates. Their viewpoints and goals played a dominant role in the globalization process. Yet, its advocates paid scant attention to prior globalization with similar founders and their interconnected actions.
A 1998 book on corporate crimes notes that multinational corporations are being transformed into transnational corporations which are “everywhere abroad and nowhere at home…have no specific national identity.” The 1999 book Globalization in Question states that the TNCs “would be genuine footloose capital without specific national identification.” Or oversight. Another 1999 report on “The Globalization of Crime” reports that it takes “the form of fraud, environmental pollution, market interference, corruption, occupational health and safety offenses, or tax evasion.”
The bestseller The World is Flat by journalist Thomas L. Friedman makes the misleading claim “How the World Became Flat,” the title of his over 200 page first chapter. It lists ten “flatteners” equalizing nations which begins with his experiences at a golf course in India. He described many buildings and other signs of American enterprises, scant evidence for flattening. In his mentions of the World Bank, he does not cite their data about the dozens of stagnant nations and the harmfulness of modern globalization.
World Bank reports, ignored by economists and Friedman, reveal the international damage that has resulted from a mere twenty-odd years of this free trade globalization. According to its 2002 report, 3l out of the 42 countries designated as “heavily indebted poor countries” have failed by the HIPC process standards. That applies to about two billion people “becoming marginal to the world economy.”
That comprehensive report dealt with conditions responsible for the hazardous future of nearly one-third of the world’s total population. As the World Bank has been a strong supporter of this current globalization movement, their estimate is not likely to be an exaggeration. In addition to such billions of people, however, are job and income losses in affluent nations also being marginalized by ongoing free trade globalization.
Many of the marginalizations and civil wars are taking place among the former colonies of the prior globalization. Typical of both is Bolivia, a Spanish colony for 300 years. As an outcome of past, as well as of current free trade, Bolivia remains among the the poorest countries in South America. Yet, it obeyed the stringent, and apparently harmful, requirements of the International Monetary Fund.
In Africa, 3 million people are believed to have died from recent civil wars and related diseases in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Another former colony, that nation lost over five million lives during the early 20th century under the control of Belgium. It also has been bypassed by the last twenty years of contemporary globalization.
The benefits of globalization have not been the poorer nations or the low paid workers of industrialized nation. Rather, the profitability of free trade has gone to rich nations, corporations, and individuals.
Conclusion
Economists are responsible for many distortions, omissions, biases, and inequities about economic matters. Those misconceptions have benefited the wealthiest and harmed the rest. Economists strongly endorse the unregulated, uncontrollable hedge funds and private equity funds which mainly benefit the very rich while recommending reduced wages and pension funds for workers.
Who benefits most from globalization? The free trade agreements that are favored by economists mostly harm the poorest two billion human beings for the benefit of the more affluent ones. The evidence is substantial and incontestable.
Please Read more!
សម្តេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ជួន ណាត
ព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិនៃសម្ដេចព្រះមហាសុមេធាធិបតី ជួន ណាត
ព្រះសង្ឃរាជថ្នាក់ទី១ នៃគណៈមហានិកាយ
រៀបរៀងដោយព្រះមុនីកោសល សូរ ហាយ តាមឯកសារខ្លះរបស់ព្រះឃោសធម្ម ប៉ុណ្យ សុម្ភោជ និងលោកទ្រិញ វ៉ាញ ១៩៧០ (ចម្លងចេញពីទស្សនាវដ្ដី អក្សរសាស្ត្រ មនុស្សសាស្ត្រ របស់សាកលវិទ្យាល័យភូមិន្ទភ្នំពេញ) លេខពិសេស ខែធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៨ និងលេខពិសេស ខែមករា កុម្ភៈ មីនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៩។
ខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអាត្មាភាព ជាសមាជិកនៃ គណៈកម្មការឃោសនា ដោយមានលោកទ្រិញ វ៉ាញ ជាប្រធាននៃគណៈកម្មការ អស់លោកជាសមាជិកគណៈកម្មការទាំងអស់មានលោក លាង ហាប់អាន ជាដើម បានផ្ទុកផ្ដាក់នូវការស្រាវជ្រាវរៀបរៀងព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិ នៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជមកលើខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអាត្មាភាព ដូចមានលិខិតលេខ ៨៤៤ ព.ប ចុះថ្ងៃ ទី៧ ខែតុលា ឆ្នាំ១៩៦៩ ជាលិខិតលោក លាង ហាប់អាន នាយកវិទ្យាស្ថានពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យ ដែលតម្រូវមកលើខ្លួនខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអត្មាភាពឲ្យស្រាវជ្រាវ រៀបរៀងព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិនៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជជាអម្ចាស់។
ខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអត្មាភាព សូមទទួលការនេះដោយគោរព តាមសមានឆន្ទៈនៃគណៈកម្មការ។ ព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិនៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជនេះ ខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអត្មាភាពសូមចែកជាបរិច្ឆេទ១២ ដើម្បីឲ្យងាយមើលចំណាំក្នុងបរិច្ឆេទមួយៗ តាមរយៈកាលនៃព្រះជីវភាព ព្រះវីរយភាព និងព្រះករណីយកិច្ចនៃ សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ព្រមទាំងឲ្យងាយស្រួលក្នុងការរៀបរៀងវែកញែកសេចក្ដី ដូចតទៅនេះ៖
បរិច្ឆេទ១២យ៉ាង
១. ជាតិបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីជាតិ
២. កុមារបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីភាពនៅជាកុមារ
៣. បព្វជ្ជាបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីបព្វជ្ជា
៤. ឧបសម្បទានបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីឧបសម្បទា
៥. បរិយត្តិបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីការសិក្សា
៦. បេសកកម្មបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីការទទួលបម្រើកិច្ចការ
៧. ឋានន្តរបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីឋានន្តរ
៨. សមណសក្តិបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីសមណសក្តិ
៩. ឥស្សរិយបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីឥស្សរិយយស
១០. ពុទ្ធវុឌ្ឍិបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីការធ្វើសេចក្ដីចម្រើនក្នុងផ្លូវលោក និងផ្លូវព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា
១១. ចរិតលក្ខណៈបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីលក្ខណៈនៃ ជីវិតប្រក្រតី
១២. ជីវិតាវសានបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីទីបំផុតនៃ ព្រះជន្មាយុ
អធិប្បាយចំពោះបរិច្ឆេទមួយៗ
១. ជាតិបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីជាតិ)
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ទ្រង់ប្រសូតនៅថ្ងៃអង្គារ ១១រោច ខែផល្គុន ឆ្នាំវក ឆស័ក ព.ស.២៤២៧ គឺថ្ងៃទី១១ ខែ មីនា គ.ស.១៨៨៣ នៅភូមិកំរៀង សង្កាត់រកាកោះ ស្រុកគងពិសី ខេត្តកំពង់ស្ពឺ។ សម្ដេចមានព្រះជាតិក្នុងត្រកូលកសិករ ព្រះមាតានៃសម្ដេចនាម យក់ ព្រះបិតានាម ព្រហ្ម ជួន។ គ្រួសារនេះមានបុត្រតែពីរនាក់គឺ អង្គសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ និងលោកឧកញ៉ាសោភណ្ឌមន្ត្រី ជួន នុត ជាព្រះអនុជនៃ សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ។
២. កុមារបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីភាពនៃកុមារ)
សម្ដេចកាលឋិតនៅក្នុងកុមារភាព មានព្រះជន្មាយុរវាង១២ឆ្នាំ ព្រះមាតាបិតាបាននាំយកទៅផ្ទុកផ្ដាក់ឲ្យរៀនសូត្រអក្សរសាស្ត្រ របស់ជាតិក្នុងសំណាក់លោកគ្រូសូត្រស្ដាំនាម កែ ម៉ម វត្តពោធិព្រឹក្ស ហៅវត្តពោល្យំ សង្កាត់រលាំងកែន ស្រុកកណ្ដាលស្ទឹង ខេត្តកណ្ដាល។
៣. បព្វជ្ជាបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីបព្វជ្ជា)
លុះសម្ដេចមានព្រះជន្មាយុ១៤ឆ្នាំ បានបួសជាសាមណេរ ក្នុងថ្ងៃ១៥កើត ខែពិសាខ ឆ្នាំច សំរឹទ្ធិស័ក ព.ស.២៤៤១ គ.ស.១៨៩៧ នៅបំពេញកិច្ចសិក្សានាវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្ស អស់រយៈកាលពីរឆ្នាំ ទើបចេញអំពីវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្សទៅរៀនសូត្រព្រះបរិយត្តិធម៌ ឯវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ ក្នុងសំណាក់ព្រះពុទ្ធគ្រូ ទេព សោ នាកុដិថែវប្របកំពែងខាងជើងក្នុងកាលព.ស.២៤៤៣ គ.ស.១៨៩៩។
៤. ឧប្បសម្បទាបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីឧបសម្បទា)
សម្ដេច លុះបានព្រះជន្មាយុគម្រប់២១ព្រះវស្សាបានទ្រង់និមន្តត្រឡប់ទៅសូម ឧបម្បទាជាភិក្ខុ ក្នុងវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្សដែលជាវត្តដើមវិញ ដោយមានព្រះតេជព្រះគុណ ព្រះពុទ្ធឃោសាចារ្យ ម៉ា កេត សុវណ្ណប្បញ្ញោជាព្រះឧបជ្ឈាយ៍ កាលលោកនៅជាចៅអធិការវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្សមានព្រះតេជព្រះគុណ កែ ម៉ម មិស្សនាគោ ជាគ្រូសូត្រស្ដាំ និងព្រះតេជព្រះគុណ អ៊ឹម ខឹម តិក្ខប្បញ្ញោ ជាគ្រូសូត្រឆ្វេង សូត្របំពេញកិច្ចឧបសម្បទានៅថ្ងៃ១៤កើត ខែជេស្ឋ ឆ្នាំរោង ឆស័ក ព.ស.២៤៤៨ គ.ស.១៩០៤។ សម្ដេចទ្រង់ទទួលព្រះនាមប្បញ្ញត្តិថា ជោតញ្ញាណោ លុះទ្រង់បំពេញឧបសម្បទាជាភិក្ខុភាពរួចហើយ ទ្រង់ក៏និមន្តត្រឡប់មកគង់នៅវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ទទួលការសិក្សាគន្ថធុរៈវិញទៀត។
៥. បរិយត្តិបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីការសិក្សា)
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ មានសេចក្ដីព្យាយាមប្រកបដោយថាមពលដ៏ក្លៀវក្លាក្នុងការសិក្សា ទាំងផ្នែកភាសាបាលី ទាំងផ្នែកភាសាឯទៀតៗ មានភាសាបារាំងជាដើម។ ការសិក្សារបស់សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ មានជោគជ័យប្រសើរណាស់ ឃើញមានតែសម្ដេចសង្ឃរាជដែលរៀនចម្រើនលូតលាស់ មានល្បឿនឈ្នះលោកឯទៀតៗ។ សម្ដេចចាប់រៀនដំបូងមេសូត្រ ប្រែមូលកច្ចាយនៈ និងគម្ពីរធម្មបទអំពីព្រះពុទ្ធឃោសាចារ្យព្រះនាម ម៉ា កេត ដែលជាព្រះឧបជ្ឈាយ៍ នៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ដែលទ្រង់ចាប់រៀនវិជ្ជាណាមួយ មានវិជ្ជាបាលីជាដើម គឺរៀនដោយយកព្រះទ័យទុកដាក់ ខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែង ឥតមានបន្ធូរបន្ថយក្នុងការសិក្សានោះឡើយ។
សម្ដេចទ្រង់ទទួលការសិក្សានោះគឺ សិក្សាដោយឆន្ទៈដ៏មានកម្លាំងមែណទែន ពុំមែនសិក្សាវិជ្ជាណាមួយដោយលេងៗ ទេ។ វិជ្ជាខាងភាសាបាលី ភាសាសំស្ក្រឹត និងភាសាបារាំង សុទ្ធតែវិជ្ជាដែលប្រដាប់ដោយវេយ្យាករណ៍ហ្មត់ចត់ ជ្រាលជ្រៅលំបាករៀន លំបាកយល់ជាទីបំផុត ប៉ុន្តែសម្ដេចអាចរៀន អាចយល់ច្បាស់លាស់ ដោយឆាប់រហ័សគួរឲ្យកោតសរសើរពន់ពេកណាស់។
សម្ដេចទ្រង់ចេះដឹងយល់ធ្លុះធ្លាយចំពោះវេយ្យាករណ៍ គ្រប់ភាសា ដែលសម្ដេចបានរៀន មានវេយ្យាករណ៍បាលីសំស្ក្រឹតជាដើម ទាំងអក្សរសាស្ត្ររបស់ជាតិ និងពាក្យពេចន៍ក្នុងផ្នែកវប្បធម៌បុរាណក៏សម្ដេចចេះចាំយល់ហេតុផល ជាច្រើនណាស់។ ភាសាសៀម ភាសាលាវ និងភាសាបារាំង ដែលសម្ដេចបានរៀន អាចនិយាយប្រាស្រ័យទាក់ទងនឹងជនជាតិសៀម ជាតិលាវ និងជាតិបារាំងបាន។ សម្ដេចឈ្លាសវៃប្រសព្វយកតម្រាប់តាមសំឡេងភាសាជាតិដទៃៗឲ្យស្រដៀង ឬដូចភាសាជាតិដទៃបាន។ ភាសាអង់គ្លេស និងភាសាវៀតណាម ក៏សម្ដេចបានរៀន អាចមើល សរសេរនិយាយ ប្រាស្រ័យបានច្រើនដែរ។
ក្នុងសម័យដែលសម្ដេចកំពុងសិក្សាវិជ្ជាខាងបាលី ក្នុងរវាងគ.ស.១៩១០ ឃើញថាសម្ដេចមានព្រះកិត្តិស័ព្ទល្បីថា ជាព្រះថេរៈ ស្ទាត់ជំនាញពូកែខាងភាសាបាលី អាចនិយាយភាសាបាលីបានជាងភិក្ខុ សាមណេរឯទៀត ដែលរៀនជាមួយគ្នាក្នុងសម័យនោះ។
នៅព.ស.២៤៥៧ គ.ស.១៩១៣ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានចូលប្រឡងដេញប្រយោគក្នុងព្រះឧបោសថរតនារាម វិហារព្រះកែវមរកត ចំពោះព្រះភ័ក្ត្រព្រះករុណាព្រះបាទសម្ដេចព្រះស៊ីសុវត្ថិបាន៤ប្រយោគ ដែលជាប្រយោគជាន់ខ្ពស់បំផុតក្នុងសម័យនោះ។
ព.ស.២៤៥៩ គ.ស.១៩១៥ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានប្រឡងជាប់លេខ២ បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសាស្ត្រាចារ្យនៅសាលាបាលីជាន់ខ្ពស់ ដែលសព្វថ្ងៃមានឈ្មោះជាពុទ្ធិកវិទ្យាល័យសុរាម្រឹត។
ក្រៅពីភាសាខ្មែរ ដែលសម្ដេចទ្រង់បានស្រាវជ្រាវយល់ឫសគល់ពិតប្រាកដ សម្ដេចបានសិក្សាភាសាបាលី អាចអាន ឬសន្ទនាតាមសំនៀងជាតិបរទេសបានទាំងអស់ គឺសំនៀងលង្កា ភូមា មន សៀម និងលាវ ឥតមានទើសទាក់់ភ្លាំងភ្លាត់ឡើយ។
ព.ស.២៤៦៦ និង២៤៦៧ គ.ស.១៩២២ និង១៩២៣ សម្ដេចកាលនៅជាព្រះគ្រូសង្ឃសត្ថា (ជាមួយនឹងសម្ដេចព្រះពោធិវ័ង្ស ហួត តាត វជិរប្បញ្ញោ កាលនៅជាព្រះគ្រូសង្ឃវិជ្ជា) បានធ្វើជាសមណៈសិស្ស និមន្តទៅបំពេញវិជ្ជាខាងភាសាសំស្ក្រឹត និងអក្សរសិលាចារឹកជាដើម នៅសាលាបារាំងសែសចុងបូព៌ាប្រទេស នាក្រុងហាណូយ (វៀតណាមខាងជើង) ក្នុងសំណាក់លោក ល្វី ហ្វឺណូត៍ (L. Finot) ជាតិបារាំងសេស ជាចាងហ្វាងសាលានេះ។
៦. បេសកកម្មបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីការទទួលបម្រើកិច្ចការ)
ព.ស.២៤៦៣ គ.ស.១៩១៩ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានធ្វើជាសមាជិកនៃក្រុមជំនុំតែងវចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ ដែលទ្រង់ជាលេខាធិការ កាន់កិច្ចការផ្ទាល់ លុះត្រាបានចប់ចុងចប់ដើម។
ព.ស.២៤៦៩ គ.ស.១៩២៥ សម្ដេចបានធ្វើជាសមាជិក នៃក្រុមជំនុំពិនិត្យអក្ខរាវិរុទ្ធនៃសៀវភៅនានា ដែលសាលាបាលីជាន់ខ្ពស់ បោះពុម្ពផ្សាយ។
ព.ស.២៤៧០ គ.ស.១៩២៦ តមកជាច្រើនឆ្នាំ សម្ដេចបានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាមេប្រយោគ ក្នុងការប្រឡងយកវិញ្ញាបនប័ត្របឋមសិក្សាខ្មែរ និងការប្រឡងយកសញ្ញាប័ត្របឋមសិក្សាជាន់ខ្ពស់ បារាំង-ខ្មែរ នៅក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
ព.ស.២៤៧១ គ.ស.១៩២៧ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសមាជិក នៃក្រុមជំនុំផ្ទៀងសម្រេចខាងវចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ ហើយសម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលភារៈធ្វើវចនានុក្រម តែមួយព្រះអង្គឯង ដរាបដល់បានចប់សព្វគ្រប់ បានបោះពុម្ពផ្សាយទាំងភាគ១ភាគ២ បាន៥គ្រាហើយ។
ក្នុងឆ្នាំដដែលនេះ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជា សមាជិកនៃក្រុមអភិបាលជំនុំផ្ដាច់ឆ្នាំ សម្រាប់បណ្ណាល័យកម្ពុជា ដែលសព្វថ្ងៃហៅថា វិទ្យាស្ថានពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៤ គ.ស.១៩៣០ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំង ក្នុងមុខងារជាចាងហ្វាងរង នៃសាលាបាលីជាន់ខ្ពស់ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
ក្នុងឆ្នាំដដែលនោះ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជា សមាជិកជំនួយនៃ ក្រុមជំនុំព្រះត្រៃបិដក នៅពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យ ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៦ គ.ស.១៩៣២ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសមាជិកនៃក្រុមជំនុំខាងការ ស្រាវជ្រាវជ្រើសរើសរកពាក្យពេចន៍ក្នុងផ្ទៃ នៃកវីនិពន្ធខ្មែរបុរាណ ដើម្បីប្រមូលបញ្ចូលពាក្យទាំងនេះ ទៅក្នុងវចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៧ គ.ស.១៩៣៣ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួល ការតែងតាំងជាសមាជិក នៃក្រុមជំនុំពិនិត្យសៀវភៅដែលក្រសួងសិក្សាធិការជាតិបោះពុម្ព ផ្សាយ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៨ គ.ស.១៩៣៤ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសមាជិកនៃក្រុមជំនុំជ្រើសរើស ពាក្យខ្មែរប្រៀបធៀបនឹងពាក្យបារាំងសម្រាប់ប្រើក្នុងកិច្ចការ រាជការ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៩ គ.ស.១៩៣៥ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសាស្ត្រាចារ្យបង្រៀនភាសាបាលី សំស្ក្រឹត ខ្មែរ និងលាវ ប្រចាំថ្នាក់ទីបំផុតនៃមធ្យមសិក្សា នៅវិទ្យាល័យព្រះស៊ីសុវត្ថិ ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
៧. ឋានន្តរបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីឋានន្តរ)
ព.ស.២៤៨៦ គ.ស.១៩៤២ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលឋានន្តរ ជាចាងហ្វាងនៃ សាលាបាលីជាន់ខ្ពស់ ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ ដែលសព្វថ្ងៃកែប្រែឈ្មោះជាពុទ្ធិកវិទ្យាល័យព្រះសុរាម្រឹត។
ព.ស.២៤៨៨ គ.ស.១៩៤៤ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលតំណែងជាចៅអធិការវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម។
ព.ស.២៤៨៩ គ.ស.១៩៤៥ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលនាទីជាអធិបតីនៃថេរសភា គឺក្រុមជំនុំជាន់ខ្ពស់របស់សង្ឃ។
ព.ស.២៤៩១ គ.ស.១៩៤៧ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលនាទីជាអនុប្រធានគណៈកម្មការវប្បធម៌ផ្នែកអក្សរ ក នៃ គណៈកម្មការជាតិខាងការសិក្សា។
ព.ស.២៤៩២ គ.ស.១៩៤៨ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលនាទីជាប្រធានគណៈកម្មការធម្មវិន័យពិនិត្យការ ផ្សាយសៀវភៅសម្រាប់សាលាធម្មវិន័យក្នុងព្រះរាជាណាចក្រ។
គ.ស.១៩៦១ រហូតមក សម្ដេចទ្រង់ប្រោសមេត្តាទទួលនិមន្តរបស់សមាគមអ្នកនិពន្ធខ្មែរធ្វើ ជាព្រះប្រធាននៃ ការសម្ភាសអក្សរសាស្ត្រ ផ្សាយតាមវិទ្យុជាតិរៀងរាល់ថ្ងៃសុក្រ។
គ.ស.១៩៦៨ ទ្រង់ទទួលឋានៈជាប្រធានគណៈកម្មការពិនិត្យអត្ថបទផ្សាយជារឿងខាងប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រខ្មែរ។
គ.ស.១៩៦៩ ព្រះអង្គទ្រង់ទទួលការតែងតាំងជាប្រធានគណៈកម្មការពិនិត្យ និងកំណត់អំពីន័យរបស់ទង់ជាតិខ្មែរ។
ព្រះកិច្ចការដែលសម្ដេចទ្រង់បានបំពេញក្នុងព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនានៅបរទេស
នៅព.ស.២៤៧៥ គ.ស.១៩៣១ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភួនៃមន្ត្រីសង្ឃ ទៅកាន់ក្រុងវៀងច័ន្ទន៍ និងក្រុងហ្លួងព្រះបាង ប្រទេសលាវ ដើម្បីរួបរួមក្នុងពិធីសម្ពោធពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យប្រទេសលាវផង ដើម្បីជំនុំពិភាក្សាអំពីការសិក្សាសម្រាប់សាលាបាលីរងនៅប្រទេសលាវ ផង។
ព.ស.២៤៧៧ គ.ស.១៩៣៣ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំ គណៈប្រតិភូព្រះសង្ឃខ្មែរទៅធ្វើទស្សនាចរណ៍ចំពោះវត្តខ្មែរទាំងឡាយ ក្នុងដែនកូសាំងស៊ីន កម្ពុជាក្រោម។
នៅព.ស.២៤៨៣ គ.ស.១៩៣៩ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូមួយទៅកាន់ប្រទេសលាវម្ដងទៀត ដើម្បីប្រជុំប្រឹក្សាកិច្ចការ នៃពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យប្រទេសលាវ និងការសិក្សាសម្រាប់សាលាបាលីនៅប្រទេសលាវផង ដើម្បីជួយរំលឹកដាស់តឿនប្រជាជាតិលាវឲ្យមានការសិក្សាព្រះ បរិយត្តធម៌ និងការប្រតិបត្តិព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា ឲ្យស្របគ្នាតាមរបៀបការសិក្សា និងការប្រតិបត្តិព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនានៃប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ទាំងប្រជាជាតិនៅក្នុងទីប្រជុំជន និងក្នុងខេត្តនានា នៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រលាវ ខំប្រឹងយកចិត្តទុកដាក់ក្នុងការសិក្សា និងការប្រតិបត្តិឲ្យបានត្រឹមត្រង់គន្លងព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាផង។
ព.ស.២៤៨៧ គ.ស.១៩៤៣ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលនាទីជាសមាជិកឆ្លើយឆ្លងនៃសាលាបារាំងសែសនៅចុង បូព៌ាប្រទេស ហើយនៅព.ស.២៤៩២ គ.ស.១៩៤៨ សម្ដេចបានទ្រង់ទទួលនាទីជាសមាជិកកិត្តិយសនៃសាលានេះដរាបមក។
ព.ស.២៤៩៤ គ.ស.១៩៥០ សម្ដេចបានទ្រង់ដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរនៅប្រជុំសន្និសីទដើម្បី បង្កើតពុទ្ធិកសមាគមពិភពលោកនៅក្រុងកោលម្បូ ប្រទេសស្រីលង្កាទ្វីប។
នៅព.ស.២៤៩៧ គ.ស.១៩៥៣ សម្ដេចបានទ្រង់ដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរទៅបំពេញបេសកកម្មសុឆន្ទៈ ប្រឹក្សាសម្រេចរឿងឆដ្ឋសង្គាយនា នៅក្រុងរង្គូន សហភាពភូមា។
ក្នុងឆ្នាំជាបន្ទាប់នៅព.ស.២៤៩៨ គ.ស.១៩៥៤ សម្ដេចបានទ្រង់ដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរនិមន្តនៅកាន់ក្រុងរង្គូន ប្រទេសភូមាម្ដងទៀត ដើម្បីរួបរួមក្នុងការប្រជុំធ្វើឆដ្ឋសង្គាយនាសម័យប្រជុំដំបូង។
កន្លងមួយឆ្នាំក្រោយមក ព.ស.២៤៩៩ គ.ស.១៩៥៥ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរទៅកាន់ទីឆដ្ឋសង្គាយ នៅក្រុងរង្គូន ប្រទេសភូមា ជាលើកទីបីដើម្បីប្រជុំ ហើយបិទសម័យប្រជុំប្រចាំឆ្នាំ។
នៅព.ស.២៥០៣ គ.ស.១៩៥៩ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរទៅកាន់ក្រុងជកត៌ា និងក្រុងសឹម៉ារ៉ាំង កោះជ្វា ប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី ដើម្បីចូលរួមក្នុងពិធីបុណ្យវិសាខបូជា។
ព.ស.២៥០៣ ចូលរួមពិធីបញ្ចុះខណ្ឌសីមា និងពិធីសន្មតរោងឧបោសថ ព្រមទាំងជាព្រះឧបជ្ឈាយ៍បំបួសកុលបុត្រ អ្នកប្រទេសនោះចំនួនបីរូបផង។
៨. សមណសក្ដិបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីសមណស័ក្តិ)
ដោយព្រះមហាវិរិយភាពរបស់សម្ដេច ដែលទ្រង់បានបំពេញទាំងផ្លូវព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា ទាំងផ្លូវលោកដែលយើងបានឃើញជាភស្តុតាង សម្ដេចក៏បានឡើងសមណស័ក្តិជាលំដាប់លំដោយ ដូចតទៅនេះគឺ៖
ព.ស.២៤៥៤ គ.ស.១៩១០ សម្ដេចបានទទួលការតែងតាំងក្នុងសមណស័ក្តិ ជាព្រះបាឡាត់សាក្យបុត្តិយ៍ (បាឡាត់របស់ព្រះសក្យវង្ស នុត វត្តឧណ្ណាលោម)។
ព.ស.២៤៥៦ គ.ស.១៩១២ សម្ដេចបានទទួលសមណស័ក្តិជាព្រះគ្រូសង្ឃសត្ថា (ទីឋានានុក្រម សម្រាប់ថ្នាក់ឯករបស់សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជព្រះនាម ទៀង)។
ព.ស.២៤៧៥ គ.ស.១៩៣១ សម្ដេចបានឡើងសមណស័ក្តិជាព្រះសាសនសោភ័ណ (រាជាគណៈកិត្តិយស)។
ព.ស.២៤៨៤ គ.ស.១៩៤០ សម្ដេចបានឡើងសមណស័ក្តិជាព្រះពុទ្ធឃោសាចារ្យ (រាជាគណៈថ្នាក់ទី២)។
ព.ស.២៤៨៨ គ.ស.១៩៤៤ សម្ដេចបានឡើងជាសមណស័ក្តិជាព្រះពោធិវ័ង្ស (រាជាគណៈថ្នាក់ទី១)។
ព.ស.២៤៩២ គ.ស.១៩៤៨ សម្ដេចបានឡើងសមណស័ក្តិខ្ពស់បំផុតជាព្រះមហាសុមេធាធិបតី សង្ឃនាយក គណៈមហានិកាយ។
ព.ស.២៤៩៤ គ.ស.១៩៥០ ព្រះករុណាជាអម្ចាស់ជីវិតទ្រង់បានប្រោសប្រទានប្រគេនព្រះឋានៈជា សម្ដេចព្រះមហាសុមេធាធិបតី សង្ឃនាយកគណៈមហានិកាយ។
លុះដល់មកព.ស.២៤៩៨ គ.ស.១៩៥៤ រដ្ឋាភិបាលសហភាពភូមាបានប្រគេនព្រះឋានៈសម្ដេចជា ព្រះអគ្គមហាបណ្ឌិតសហភាពភូមា។
ស្រាប់តែដល់មកព.ស.២៥០១ គ.ស.១៩៥៧ រដ្ឋាភិបាលសហភាពភូមា បានសូមតម្លើងព្រះឋានៈសម្ដេចជា ព្រះអភិធជៈមហារដ្ឋគរុ នៃសហភាពភូមាទៀត ដែលជាសមណស័ក្តិដ៏ខ្ពស់បំផុតមានតែមួយអង្គក្នុងសហភាពភូមា។
ខែកុម្ភៈ គ.ស.១៩៦៤ អ្នកនិពន្ធខ្មែរទាំងអស់បានថ្វាយព្រះឋានៈព្រះអង្គជា ព្រះអគ្គនិពន្ធអក្សរសាស្ត្រខ្មែរ និងជាសមាជិកកិត្តិយសនៃសមាគមអ្នកនិពន្ធខ្មែរផង។
ព.ស.២៥០៧ គ.ស.១៩៦៣ សម្ដេចព្រះ នរោត្ដម សីហនុ ព្រះប្រមុខរដ្ឋនៃប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ទ្រង់បានប្រោសប្រទានព្រះឋានៈសម្ដេចជា សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជថ្នាក់ទី១។
ថ្ងៃទី២៨ ឧសភា ១៩៦៧ ទ្រង់បានទទួលសញ្ញាប័ត្របណ្ឌិតអក្សរសាស្ត្រ ពេញលក្ខណៈអំពីសម្ដេចព្រះប្រមុខរដ្ឋក្នុងនាមមហាវិទ្យាល័យ អក្សរសាស្ត្រ និងមនុសាស្ត្រ នៃភូមិន្ទសកលវិទ្យាល័យ។
៩. ឥស្សរិយបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីឥស្សរិយយស)
គ្រឿងឥស្សរិយយសដែលសម្ដេចបានទទួលមានដូចតទៅនេះ គឺ៖
- មេដាយអស្សឫទ្ធិមុនីសារភរណ៍ នៅព.ស.២៤៦១ គ.ស.១៩១៧។
- មេដាយអស្សឫទ្ធិព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា នៅព.ស.២៤៦៧ គ.ស.១៩៣២។
- មេដាយអស្សឫទ្ធិដំរីមួយលាន និងស្វេតច្ឆត្រ ប្រទេសលាវ នៅព.ស.២៤៧៦ គ.ស.១៩៣២។
- មេដាយសេនានៃបណ្ឌិតសភា សាធារណរដ្ឋបារាំង នៅព.ស.២៤៨១ គ.ស.១៩៣៧។
- មេដាយអស្សឫទ្ធិដឹឡាឡេស្យុងដូណ្ណើរ នៃសាធារណរដ្ឋបារាំង នៅព.ស.២៤៨៦ គ.ស.១៩៤២។
- មេដាយសេនា នៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា នៅព.ស.២៤៨៨ គ.ស.១៩៤៤។
- មេដាយសេនាដឹឡាឡេស្យុងដូណ្ណើរ នៃសាធារណរដ្ឋបារាំង នៅព.ស.២៤៩២ គ.ស.១៩៤៨។
- មេដាយមហាសិរីវឌ្ឍន៍ ព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា នៅព.ស.២៥០៥ គ.ស.១៩៦២។
- មេដាយមហាសិរីវឌ្ឍសុវត្ថារា នៅព.ស.២៥០៦ គ.ស.១៩៦៣។
- មេដាយជាតូបការ ដែលជាគ្រឿងឥស្សរិយយសធំបំផុត ក្នុងព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា នៅព.ស.២៥១៣ គ.ស.១៩៦៩។
១០. ពុទ្ធវុឌ្ឍិបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីការធ្វើសេចក្ដីចម្រើនក្នុងផ្លូវលោក និងផ្លូវព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា)
កិច្ចការ ឯទៀតរបស់សម្ដេច ក្រៅពីមុខការខាងសិក្សាដែលសុទ្ធតែជាការមានប្រយោជន៍ជាសាធារណៈ ក្នុងព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា និងប្រទេសជាតិនោះ នៅមានច្រើនទៅទៀត និយាយដោយសង្ខេបគឺចាប់តាំងពីឆ្នាំឆ្លូវសប្តស័ក ព.ស.២៤៧០ គ.ស.១៩២៤ រៀងមក សម្ដេចបានធ្វើការឧបត្ថម្ភវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្ស (ហៅវត្តពោល្យំ) ក្នុង សង្កាត់រលាំងកែន ស្រុកកណ្ដាលស្ទឹង ខេត្តកណ្ដាល ដែលមានព្រំប្រទល់ជាប់គ្នានឹងសង្កាត់រកាកោះ ស្រុកគងពិសី ខេត្តកំពង់ស្ពឺ ជាទីជាតិភូមិរបស់សម្ដេច ដូចមានសេនាសនភ័ណ្ឌតទៅនេះ៖
១. សម្ដេចបានជាវដីជុំវិញវត្តចំនួនជាង៣ហិកតា ពង្រីកទីវត្តឲ្យធំទូលាយច្រើនជាងពីដើម។
២. បានជួយឧបត្ថម្ភលើកថ្នល់ ភ្ជាប់ពីថ្នល់ជាតិចូលមកវត្តសុរភី និងពោធិព្រឹក្ស រួមចម្ងាយ៣គឺឡូម៉ែត្រ។
៣. បានស្ថាបនាវិហារបេតុងអារម៉េ សាលាបាលីរង (ពុទ្ធិកបឋមសិក្សា) រៀបចំទីវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្សទាំងមូល ឲ្យមានទេសភាពសមរម្យតាមសម័យនិយម។
៤. បាន ស្ថាបនាស្ពានធំមួយ និងស្ពានតូចមួយសុទ្ធតែបេតុងអារម៉េ ឆ្លងស្ទឹងតូចរាំងព្រំប្រទល់ សង្កាត់រលាំងកែន និងសង្កាត់រកាកោះ។
៥. បានឧបត្ថម្ភក្នុងការស្ថាបនាសាលាបឋមសិក្សាបំពេញវិជ្ជា សុរភីពោធិព្រឹក្ស៣ខ្នង តាំងពីគ.ស.១៩៤៨ រៀងរហូតដល់សាលានេះឡើងដល់ថ្នាក់ឧត្ដមដ្ឋាន សម្រាប់កូនចៅអ្នកស្រុកជើងវត្តសុរភី និងវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្ស។
៦. បានឧបត្ថម្ភឲ្យគេធ្វើថ្នល់លំមួយ ចាក់ក្រួសបាយក្រៀម ប្រើការបានដោយស្រួល។
៧. បានជាវទីដី៣ហិកតាកន្លះទុកដាក់ជាសាសនសម្បត្តិរៀងទៅ។
៨. បានស្ថាបនាខ្លោងទ្វាររបងអារម៉េមួយ។
៩. បានស្ថាបនា អាវសថសាលា (សាលាសំណាក់) ១ខ្នង។
១០. បានចាត់ការឲ្យជីកស្រះមួយទំហំ១០០ម៉ែត្របួនជ្រុង នៅត្រង់ទីថ្នល់បែកចេញពីថ្នល់ជាតិក្នុងសង្កាត់រកាកោះ។
១១. បានជួយឧបត្ដម្ភជីកអណ្ដូងបុកប្រើស្នប់៣កន្លែង។
១២. បានស្ថាបនាគិលានដ្ឋានមួយខ្នង ប្រសូតិគ្រឹះ (មន្ទីរសម្ភព) មួយខ្នង ដោយបេតុងអារម៉េ។
១៣. បានធ្វើកំពែងបេតុងអារម៉េ បណ្ដោយ១០០ម៉ែត្រ ទទឹង៥២ម៉ែត្រ ព័ទ្ធជុំវិញមន្ទីរពេទ្យទាំងពីរខ្នងនេះ។
១៤. បានស្ថាបនាអគារគព្ភិនីសំណាក់ក្នុងកំពែងនោះដែរ។
១៥. បានស្ថាបនាអគារបេតុងអារម៉េ២ខ្នង ក្រៅកំពែងនោះសម្រាប់គិលានសមណៈ។
១៦. បានចាត់ការឲ្យលើកទំនប់ទឹក១កន្លែងបណ្ដោយ៩០០ម៉ែត្រ ទទឹង៨០០ម៉ែត្រ (ដោយ សម្ដេចព្រះនរោត្ដម សីហនុ ឧបយុវរាជព្រះប្រមុខរដ្ឋ ទ្រង់សព្វព្រះទ័យបានប្រោសប្រទានព្រះរាជានុញ្ញាតឲ្យលើកទំនប់ទឹក នោះ)។
១៧. បាន ឧបត្ថម្ភឲ្យវេយ្យាវច្ចករដាំដំណាំលើទីដីខាងលើនេះ ជាប្រយោជន៍ដល់គិលានដ្ឋាន និងប្រសូតិគ្រឹះរបស់សម្ដេចទៅក្នុងអនាគតកាល (ស្ថាបនកម្មទាំងនេះនៅក្នុងភូមិស្រែបន្ទាយ សង្កាត់រកាកោះ)។
១៨. បានលះបង់ទីដីមួយកន្លែង ដែលសម្ដេចបានជាវហើយនោះជូនព្រះរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលឲ្យស្ថាបនាអគារមណ្ឌលនីតិកម្ម (ប៉ុស្តិប៉ូលីស) និងមន្ទីររាជសហករណ៍។ល។
១៩. បានផ្ដើមគំនិតធ្វើសមាគមកសាងមន្ទីរពេទ្យព្រះសង្ឃ ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
២០. បានកសាងវិហារវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ដែលជាវិហារធំបំផុតជាងវិហារទាំងអស់ក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ហើយមានបីជាន់ ក្នុងព.ស.២៤៩៩ គ.ស.១៩៥៦។
២១. បានផ្ដើមកសាងព្រះសក្យមុនីចេតិយនៅខាងកើតស្ថានីយ៍រាជាយស្ម័យយាន។
២២. បានទំនុកបម្រុង ព្រមទាំងចាត់ចែងសមណនិស្សិតបញ្ជូនឲ្យទៅរៀនឯបរទេស មានប្រទេសឥណ្ឌា ភូមាជាដើម។
២៣. បានបង្កើតការសិក្សាធម្មវិន័យ ដើម្បីសិក្ខាកាមកុលបុត្រទូទៅពេញប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។
២៤. បានបង្កើតការអប់រំយុវជនដោយសីលធម៌ដែលនៅក្នុងវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ឬវត្តឯទៀតៗ ដែលមានយុវជននៅវត្តជាច្រើននាក់។
២៥. បានផ្ដើមកសាងឈាបនដ្ឋាន (ទីបូជាសព) ក្នុង វត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ដែលមានលោកអ្នកឧកញ៉ាតេជះ តាន់ ម៉ៅ ជាអ្នកចេញប្រាក់កសាងឲ្យកើតមានក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាមុនដំបូង បង្អស់ គ.ស.១៩៥៣។
២៦. បាន ផ្ដើមសង់ឧបដ្ឋានសាលាសម្រាប់មន្ត្រីសង្ឃ ដែលនិមន្តមកក្នុងឱកាសអនុសំវច្ឆរមហាសន្និបាត ដើម្បីប្រជុំទទួលភត្តាហារ និងសម្រាប់ភ្ជុំបិណ្ឌដែលគហបតី លី ស៊ុនងន, ឧបាសិកា តាន់ ស៊ីប៊ី ចេញប្រាក់កសាង។
២៧. បានបង្កើតឲ្យមានការហាត់រៀនប្រឡងសូត្របាតិមោក្ខបាលី។
២៨. បាន រៀបចំតាំងគណៈកម្មការសង្ឃ និងគណៈកម្មការគ្រហស្ថតាមផ្លូវការគ្រប់វត្តទាំងអស់ ដើម្បីរៀបចំទីវត្តឲ្យស្អាត ទាំងមានរបៀបរៀបរយ តាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩៥៥ដរាបមក។
ស្នាព្រះហស្តខាងអក្សរសាស្ត្រនៃសម្ដេច
ព្រះសង្ឃរាជ បានកសាងគម្ពីរដីកាជាច្រើនណាស់ ទាំងគម្ពីរស្លឹករឹត ទាំងសៀវភៅ ជាពិសេស គឺសៀវភៅដែលសម្ដេចប្រមូលរៀបរៀង និងសៀវភៅដែលទ្រង់ប្រែពីបាលីមកជាភាសាខ្មែរ សម្រាប់ពុទ្ធបរិស័ទរៀនសូត្រ។ សៀវភៅខ្លះជាសៀវភៅដែលកម្រនឹងធ្វើកើត ទាំងមានប្រយោជន៍ជាច្រើនណាស់គឺ៖
១. វចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ មាន២ភាគ ក្នុងព.ស.២៤៦១ គ.ស.១៩១៧ សៀវភៅនេះបានបោះពុម្ពច្រើនគ្រាមកហើយ។
២. កច្ចាយនូបត្ថម្ភកៈ (វេយ្យាករណ៍បាលី) មាន២ភាគ តាំងពីព.ស.២៤៦២ គ.ស.១៩១៨ បានបោះពុម្ពច្រើនគ្រាហើយ។
៣. គហិបដិបត្តិ ក្នុងព.ស.២៤៦៨ គ.ស.១៩២៦ ជាមួយនឹងព្រះឧត្ដមមុនី អ៊ុម ស៊ូ និងព្រះពោធិវ័ង្ស ហួត តាត តាមបញ្ជានៃព្រះតេជព្រះគុណព្រះមហាវិមលធម្ម ថោង (ពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យ)។
៤. សាមណេរវិន័យ ក្នុងព.ស.២៤៦០ គ.ស.១៩១៧ ជាមួយនឹងព្រះថេរៈទាំងពីរព្រះអង្គខាងលើនេះដែរ។
៥. បាតិមោក្ខសំវរសង្ខេប (សម្រាយ) ព.ស.២៤៧០ គ.ស.១៩២៨ បានបោះពុម្ពច្រើនគ្រាហើយ។ មានសៀវភៅឯទៀតៗជាច្រើនដែលជាបន្ទាប់បន្សំ។
៦. កាព្យលោកធម៌ បោះពុម្ពដំបូងក្នុងព.ស.២៥០០ គ.ស.១៩៥៧។ កាព្យនេះទ្រង់តែងកាលនៅជាព្រះគ្រូសង្ឃសត្ថា។
៧. នាគោបមាទិកថា ព.ស.២៤៧៥ គ.ស.១៩៣៣។
៨. ព.ស.២៤៨៤ គ.ស.១៩៤១ សម្ដេចបានតែងសុភមង្គលគាថាបាលីបឋ្យាវត្ត៧គាថា ព្រមទាំងប្រែជាសម្រាយផង សម្រាប់សូត្រថ្វាយសុភមង្គលសួស្ដីចំពោះព្រះករុណាជាអម្ចាស់ជីវិត ព្រះបាទសម្ដេចព្រះ នរោត្ដម សីហនុវរ្ម័ន។
៩. បព្វជ្ជាខន្ធកៈពិស្ដារ។
១០. ចីវរក្ខន្ធៈពិស្ដារ។
១១. អត្ថបទ ផ្សេងៗជាច្រើនក្នុងទស្សនាវដ្ដីកម្ពុជសុរិយារបស់ពុទ្ធសាសន បណ្ឌិត្យ តាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩២៦ និងឆ្នាំតៗមក ដែលពុំអាចស្រាវជ្រាវមកដាក់ក្នុងទីនេះបានដោយពេលមមាញឹក ព្រមទាំងអត្ថបទធម៌ឯទៀតៗជាច្រើន ដែលបោះពុម្ពចុះក្នុងទស្សនាវដ្ដីពន្លឺពុទ្ធចក្រ។
១២. បាន ពិនិត្យកែសម្រួលពាក្យពេចន៍របស់គណៈកម្មការខេមរយានកម្ម ដោយព្រះមេត្តាជួយឲ្យគណៈកម្មការនេះជារបស់ក្រសួងអប់រំជាតិ បានរួបរួមបោះពុម្ពជាសៀវភៅទស្សនាវដ្ដីសម្រាប់បង្រៀនសិស្សផ្នែក មធ្យមសិក្សាចេញរៀងរាល់ខែ។ ព្រះកេរ្តិ៍មួយសំខាន់ណាស់ដែលរលឹកឃើញបានរាល់ថ្ងៃ គឺព្រះរាជនិពន្ធទំនុកច្រៀង បទនគររាជ សម្រាប់ភ្លេងជាតិខ្មែរ ទ្រង់បាននិពន្ធពីថ្ងៃទី២០ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ១៩៤១ និងទំនុក ព្រមទាំងបទ សរភញ្ញ ដែលទ្រង់បាននិពន្ធកាលពីឱកាសបុណ្យពុទ្ធសករាជ២៥០០។
ព្រះគុណសម្បត្តិនៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ
ព្រះគុណសម្បត្តិនៃសម្ដេចជាអម្ចាស់មានច្រើនយ៉ាងណាស់ ប៉ុន្តែយើងខ្ញុំបានពិចារណាដោយហ្មត់ចត់ ហើយសរសេររួបរួមប្រមូលយកចំពោះតែគោលធំៗ ដោយសង្ខេបមានប្រាំយ៉ាង ដូចសេចក្ដីរៀបរៀងវែកញែកតទៅនេះ៖
១. វីរិយភាពក្នុងការសិក្សា
២. បដិភាណប្បញ្ញា “ប្រាជ្ញាវាងវៃ”
៣. វេសារជ្ជប្បញ្ញា “បញ្ញាក្លៀវក្លាអង់អាច”
៤. ធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យ “ភាពឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងធម្មទេសនា”
៥. បណីតសកម្មភាព “សកម្មភាពដ៏ប្រសើរ”
អធិប្បាយពង្រីកសេចក្ដីចំពោះគុណសម្បត្តិនីមួយៗ
១. វីរិយភាព នៃសម្ដេចជាអម្ចាស់ ដែលមនុស្សចាស់ទុំធ្លាប់បានសង្កេតតាំងពីសម្ដេចមានព្រះជន្មនៅ ក្មេង គឺតាំងពីនៅជាសាមណេរដរាបមករហូតដល់សម្ដេចមានព្រះជន្មជ្រុលចូល មកបច្ឆិមវ័យហើយ ក៏នៅតែព្យាយាមឥតមានបន្ធូរបន្ថយបញ្ឈប់សេចក្ដីព្យាយាមនោះឡើយ សូម្បីព្រះអង្គមានសមណៈស័ក្តិដ៏ខ្ពស់បំផុតទីជាសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ហើយក៏ដោយ។ វីរិយភាព នេះប្រែថា សេចក្ដីព្យាយាម ឬថាប្រឹងប្រែង រាប់ថាជាបារមីមួយរបស់ព្រះពោធិសត្វដែលយើងធ្លាប់ចេះដឹងមកហើយ ហៅថា វីរយៈបារមី។
បណ្ដាកិច្ចការគ្រប់យ៉ាង រមែងប្រកបដោយឧបសគ្គ គឺធម៌ជាគរឿងរារាំងបើមិនច្រើនក៏តិច តែថាបើសេចក្ដីព្យាយាម មានកម្លាំងក្លៀវក្លា ក៏អាចពុះពារចំពោះឧបសគ្គនោះបានដោយពិតសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជទ្រង់មាន វីរយៈធម៌ដ៏រឹងប៉ឹងជាទីបំផុត បានជាព្រះអង្គចេះតែមានជ័យជម្នះសង្កត់ទៅលើឧបសគ្គគ្រប់យ៉ាងបាន ជាដរាប ទោះបីព្រះអង្គហត់នឿយណាស់ ប៉ុន្តែព្រះអង្គមិនសូវចេះត្អូញត្អែរឡើយ។ ករណីកិច្ចណាមួយដែលគេត្រូវធ្វើដោយកាយក្ដី ដោយវាចាក្ដី ដោយចិត្តក្ដី អាចសម្រេចទៅបានដោយកម្លាំង នៃសេចក្ដីព្យាយាមទាំងអស់។ ឥរិយាបទទាំង៤ គឺការដើរ ឈរ អង្គុយ ដេក ដែលនាំឲ្យសម្រេចប្រយោជន៍ទៅបាន ដ៏ដោយគុណានុភាពនៃសេចក្ដីព្យាយាមដែរ។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ព្រះអង្គមានវីរិយបារមីដ៏បរិបូណ៌ណាស់ សូម្បីសម្ដេចដែលមានព្រះជន្ម៨៦ឆ្នាំហើយ ក៏នៅបំពេញកិច្ចការរបស់ព្រះអង្គឥតមានបន្ធូរបន្ថយព្រះកាយពលឡើយ។ ដូចយ៉ាងព្រះអង្គចាប់ធ្វើវចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ ទ្រង់ឥតមានសំចៃកម្លាំង និងពេលវេលាទេ។ សម្ដេចយកពេលយប់ធ្វើជាថ្ងៃ យកពេលថ្ងៃធ្វើជាយប់ ខំប្រឹងសរសេររៀបរៀង តាំងពីព្រលប់រហូតដល់ភ្លឺក៏មាន លុះទ្រង់សោយយាគូរួច ចាប់សរសេរតទៅទៀត ទាល់តែដល់ពេលម៉ោង១១ក៏មាន។ ក្នុងរយៈវេលាយប់មួយ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានផ្ទុំក្នុងរវាង៤ ឬ៥ម៉ោងប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ ការប្រព្រឹត្តដោយសេចក្ដីព្យាយាម នៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជនេះជាការកម្រមនុស្សធ្វើបានណាស់។
២. បដិភាណប្បញ្ញា “បញ្ញាវាងវៃ” ប្រាជ្ញាសំដៅយកការចេះដឹងយល់ទូទៅ ឬការយល់ច្បាស់លាស់ចំពោះហេតុការណ៍ផ្សេងៗតាមធម្មតា។ ដែលលោកហៅថា “បដិភាណប្បញ្ញា” នោះ សំដៅយកប្រាជ្ញាដែលកើតឡើងភ្លាមៗ ហើយអាចឆ្លើយតបវិញបានភ្លាម មិនបាច់គិតគូរអស់វេលាយូរទេ។ ប្រាជ្ញារបស់សម្ដេចកើតឡើងរហ័សក្នុងពេលដែលគេចោទសួរ ឬនិយាយឲ្យឮភ្លាមក៏អាចដឹងទាន់ចាប់ភ្លឹកនឹកឃើញ ឆ្លើយវិញបានភ្លាម ហាក់ដូចជាបានគូសដៅទុកយូរហើយ។ ប្រាជ្ញាស្មារតីរហ័សវាងវៃ ប្រកបដោយសមត្ថភាព ឆាប់យល់ហេតុការណ៍គ្រប់យ៉ាង ដែលអាចដឹងទាន់ភ្លាមៗ ដូចអធិប្បាយដោយសង្ខេបមកនេះ ហៅថា “បដិភាណប្បញ្ញា”។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ មានបដិភាណប្បញ្ញានេះបរិបូណ៌ណាស់ ដូចយ៉ាង សម្ដេចដែលបានទ្រង់យាងទៅកាន់ទីប្រជុំណាមួយ ដែលមានសមាជិកជាន់ខ្ពស់ ហើយគេត្រូវសាកសួរនិយាយពិភាក្សាការណ៍ជាចាំបាច់ ដែលទាក់ទងមកលើសម្ដេចភ្លាម ទ្រង់ក៏អាចឆ្លើយដោះស្រាយទាន់បានភ្លាមវិញដែរ។
៣. វេសារជ្ជប្បញ្ញា “បញ្ញាអង់អាច ក្លៀវក្លា” ភាពនៃប្រាជ្ញាអង់អាចក្លៀវក្លានេះ ជាគុណសម្បត្តិមួយដ៏ប្រសើររបស់មនុស្ស។ ប្រាជ្ញារបស់សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជជាអម្ចាស់របស់យើង រាប់ថាជាប្រាជ្ញាមួយដ៏ខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់ អាចពោលបានថា សម្ដេចមានវេសារជ្ជប្បញ្ញាគ្រប់គ្រាន់ ព្រោះព្រះអង្គបានទទួលព្រះកិត្តិនាមដ៏ខ្ចរខ្ចាយទៅក្នុងប្រទេស និងក្រៅប្រទេស។ ដូចយ៉ាងសម្ដេចទ្រង់យ៉ាងទៅកាន់ទីប្រជុំធំៗក្នុងប្រទេសដទៃ ព្រះអង្គតែងបន្លឺសីហនាទ ប្រកបដោយប្រាជ្ញាដ៏ក្លៀវក្លា អង់អាចឥតញាប់ញ័រតក់ស្លុតចំពោះទីប្រជុំនោះឡើយ។
ប្រាជ្ញាដែលក្លៀវក្លាអង់អាច ដូចអធិប្បាយដោយសង្ខេបមកនេះហៅថា “វេសារជ្ជប្បញ្ញា”។
៤. ធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យ “ក្លារឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងធម្មទេសនា”
ភាពនៃការឈ្លាសវៃមានច្រើនយ៉ាង គឺឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងអំពើបាបក៏មាន ក្នុងអំពើបុណ្យក៏មានឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងអំពើឥតប្រយោជន៍ក៏មាន ក្នុងអំពើមានប្រយោជន៍ក៏មាន។ ការឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងទីនេះសំដៅយកហេតុការណ៍ដែលមានប្រយោជន៍ចំពោះមនុស្ស ក្នុងបច្ចុប្បន្ន និងក្នុងអនាគត។ ដែលហៅថា “ធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យ” សំដៅយកការឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងធម្មទេសនា។ សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជទ្រង់មានភាពឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងធម្មទេសនាដោយ គ្រប់គ្រាន់។
ធម្មទេសនានៃសម្ដេចប្រកបដោយប្រយោជន៍ទាំងផ្លូវលោក ទាំងផ្លូវធម៌ អាចបំភ្លឺពុទ្ធបរិស័ទប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឲ្យយល់ផ្លូវខុស ផ្លូវត្រូវ ឲ្យជឿជាក់ចំពោះជាតិ សាសនា និងព្រះរាជបល្ល័ង្ក។ ព្រះធម្មទេសនា នៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជចាត់ទុកថាជាមូលដ្ឋានមួយដ៏ស្ដុកស្ដម្ភអាច បំភ្លឺប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឲ្យមានការព្យាយាម មានជំហររឹងប៉ឹង ឲ្យប្រឹងប្រែងប្រកបការងារកុំឲ្យខ្ជិលច្រអូស ឲ្យមានធម៌សាមគ្គី មូលមិត្តជាឯកភាពក្នុងរវាងជាតិ សាសនា និងព្រះរាជបល្ល័ង្ករបស់យើង ដើម្បីឲ្យខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់ថ្កើងរុងរឿងតទៅអនាគត។ ធម្មទេសនានៃសម្ដេច ឈ្មោះថាជាធម្មទេសនាទ្រោលបំភ្លឺពុទ្ធបរិស័ទប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឲ្យយល់ ប្រយោជន៍គ្រប់យ៉ាង បំភ្លឺទាំងខាងគុណសម្បត្តិ ទាំងគុណវិបត្តិ ជាធម្មទេសនាប្រកបដោយមធ្យោបាយដ៏ប្រសើរវិសេស អាចដឹកនាំចង្អុលបង្ហាញប្រយោជន៍បច្ចុប្បន្ន និងប្រយោជន៍អនាគត ហៅថាជាព្រះធម្មួទេសនាដាស់ពុទ្ធបរិស័ទឲ្យភ្ញាក់ខ្លួនក្រោកឡើង ប្រកបការងារដើម្បីឲ្យមានជីវភាពខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់ឲ្យសមគួរដល់កិត្តិយស របស់យើងរាល់គ្នា ជាប្រជាពលរដ្ឋរបស់ប្រទេសឯករាជ្យ ឲ្យចេះឈឺឆ្អាលស្រឡាញ់ជាតិ សាសនា និងព្រះរាជបល្ល័ង្ករបស់យើង។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ មានធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យដ៏បរិបូណ៌។ ធម្មទេសនារបស់សម្ដេចគួររាប់ថាជាធម្មទេសនាយឺតយោង ស្រោចស្រង់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឲ្យមានសតិសម្បជញ្ញៈរឹងប៉ឹង បរិបូណ៌ឡើងទាំងផ្លូវពុទ្ធចក្រ និងផ្លូវអាណាចក្រ ដើម្បីឲ្យចក្រទាំងពីរវិលលឿនទៅស្មើគ្នា។ ធម្មទេសនារបស់សម្ដេចគួរលើកថា ជាធម្មទេសនាបើកលោក គឺប្រទេសកម្ពុជាទាំងមូលឲ្យមានប្រាជ្ញាស្មារតីភ្លឺស្វាង រុងរឿងឡើងដោយពិត ដែលអាចផ្ដល់មធ្យោបាយដ៏ប្រសើរ ឲ្យប្រជាពលរដ្ឋភ្ញាក់ខ្លួនប្រាណចេះជួយខ្លួនដោយខ្លួនឯង។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ជាព្រះធម្មកថិកមួយព្រះអង្គយ៉ាងឯក ពុំមានព្រះធម្មកថិកណាមួយប្រៀបស្មើបាយឡើយ។ ធម្មទេសនាដែលពីរោះក្បោះក្បាយប្រកបដោយពាក្យពេចន៍ ប្រយោគមានប្រធានមានរបៀបរៀបរយ មានកម្រងនៃពាក្យសម្ដីដ៏ត្រឹមត្រូវឥតឃ្លៀងឃ្លាត ភ្លាំងភ្លាត់ទាំងប្រកបដោយឧត្ដមគតិ ដៅចំពោះប្រយោជន៍ក្នុងបច្ចុប្បន្ន និងអនាគតដូចសេចក្ដីអធិប្បាយមកនេះហៅថា “ធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យ”។
៥. បណីតសកម្មភាព “សកម្មភាពដ៏ប្រសើរ”
ការងាររបស់សម្ដេចព្រអសង្ឃរាជ សុទ្ធតែជាការងារមានប្រយោជន៍ដ៏ឧត្ដុងឧត្ដម ចំពោះពុទ្ធបរិស័ទ ពុំមានការងារណាមួយ ដែលឥតប្រយោជន៍នោះទេ។
សម្ដេចបានធ្វើបុណ្យផ្សេងៗជាច្រើនដងណាស់ មានកឋិនទានជាដើម ក្នុងឆ្នាំនីមួយៗបានធ្វើកឋិន២ ឬ៣វត្ត រៀងរាល់ឆ្នាំ ឥតដែលខានឡើយ។
កិច្ចការរបស់សម្ដេចសុទ្ធតែមានគោលដៅឆ្ពោះទៅរកសេចក្ដីសុខ សេចក្ដីចម្រើន ទាំងលោកនេះ ទាំងលោកខាងមុខដោយពិតប្រាកដ សឹងមានភ័ស្តុតាងយ៉ាងជាក់លាក់ក្នុងព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិនេះ។ ចូរមើលបរិច្ឆេទនៃព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិត្រង់បរិច្ឆេទទី៥ ទី៦ និងទី១០។
សម្ដេចមានព្រហ្មវិហារដ៏ទូលាយ សង្គ្រោះដល់សាធារណជនមិនត្បិតត្បៀតពេកឡើយ កិច្ចការដែលចេះតែមាន ចេះតែដើរទៅស្រួល មិនចេះឈប់ មិនចេះគាំង នៅថែមទាំងមានប្រយោជន៍ដ៏ខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់ ហៅថា “បណីតសកម្មភាព”។
សកម្មភាពរបស់សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ប្រកបដោយហេតុផលល្អណាស់ អាចបង្ហាញជាឧទាហរណ៍មួយ ដើម្បីបញ្ជាក់វរជន បញ្ញវន្តទាំងសម័យចាស់ សម័យថ្មីដែលគួរជាទិដ្ឋានុគតិ (ការយកតម្រាប់តាម) បានដោយពិត ដោយហេតុដែលឃើញរូបរាង កិច្ចការជាភ័ស្តុតាងផង ទ្រឹស្ដីការងារដ៏ប្រសើរយ៉ាងនេះផងទើបហៅថា “បណីតសកម្មភាព”។
១១. ចរិតលក្ខណៈបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីលក្ខណៈនៃចរិតប្រក្រតី)
ការប្រព្រឹត្តជាប់ដោយកាយ វាចា ចិត្តគ្រប់ពេលវេលាយូរៗទៅ អាចជាប់ទៅជាទម្លាប់ ហៅថា “ចរិតប្រក្រតី”។ ដូចយ៉ាងសម្ដីគ្រោតគ្រាត ដែលធ្លាប់និយាយជាប់ជាទំនៀម ហៅថា ចរិតគ្រោតគ្រាត។ ការនិយាយកុហកលេងចំពោះមិត្តសំឡាញ់ យូរៗទៅក៏អាចធ្លាប់មាត់ជាទំនៀម នេះហៅថា ចរិតកុហក។
ការជក់បារី ដើមដំបូងឃើញគេជក់ ក៏ជក់លេងតាមគេ យូរៗទៅក៏អាចជាប់ជាទំនៀមជក់បារី។
ការដេកថ្ងៃ ដើមដំបូងឃើញគេដេកថ្ងៃ ក៏ដេកតាមគេ លុះដេកថ្ងៃយូរៗទៅក៏អាចក្លាយជាទំនៀម នេះហៅថា ចរិតដេកថ្ងៃ។
ការប្រព្រឹត្តិទាល់តែជាប់ប្រយោគ ដែលអាចលះចេញបានដោយកម្រ ដូច្នេះហៅថា “ចរិតប្រក្រតី” សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ព្រះអង្គក៏មានចរិតប្រក្រតីដែរ ប៉ុន្តែចរិតរបស់សម្ដេចជាចរិតធូរស្រាល ពុំមែននាំឲ្យខូចខាតពេលវេលា ខូចខាតប្រយោជន៍នោះឡើយ។
មនុស្សខ្លះមានចរិតប្រក្រតីជាប់ជោកធ្ងន់ណាស់ ដូចយ៉ាងចរិតប្រក្រតីផឹកស្រាទាល់តែកឹកជាប់ ដែលអាចលះបង់ចេញមិនបាន។ ចរិតប្រក្រតីបែបនេះ ឈ្មោះថាជាចរិតនាំឲ្យខូចខាតទាំងជីវិតខ្លួនឯង ទាំងទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិរបស់ខ្លួន។
ការជក់អាភៀន ក៏អាចនាំឲ្យជាប់ញៀន លះចេញបានដោយកម្រណាស់។ ការញៀនអាភៀននេះ ហៅថា ចរិតប្រក្រតីជក់អាភៀន។ មនុស្សអ្នកមានចរិតបែបនេះ នាំឲ្យខូចខាតទាំងជីវិត ទាំងទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិ ជាងចរិតអ្នកផឹកសុរាច្រើនណាស់ទៅទៀត។
Samdech Choun Nath
First of all, I would to introduce the Cambodia site to all of you before describing the situation of Buddhism in the country; as you may know among the Buddhist countries in the world, Cambodia is one of the five Theravada Buddhist countries.Cambodia is located in the southern edge of the huge peninsula which is known as Indochina or mainland in South East Asia. There are about 181,035 Sq kilometers in size and she has border to the west and north with Thailand and Loa, to the east and to the south with Vietnam and China’s sea. She is administratively divided into 24 provinces and cities; out of about 13 millions of the today Cambodia population, 95 percents are Buddhists. Therefore, Cambodia has been a stronghold of Theravada Buddhism; according to the constitution, Buddhism is the state religion of this country. Buddhism has been playing a very important role in the lives of Cambodian people both in the past and present.
All the Cambodian kings dedicated their lives for the sake of promoting and propagating their religion. Under the patronage of the former king, his majesty Norodom Sihanouk Varman (Narottama Siha hanu Varman) who just abdicated last year (2003), once became a monk in order to be free from bringing about all reform in his kingdom, and especially with the vigorous guidance of His holiness Samdech Preah Sa¼gharæja Mahæ Sumedhædhipati ( Chuon Nath), the late supreme of Mahænikæya Buddhist sect, Cambodia has made a rapid progress in organization the education of the religious order and propagating the faith among the laity. Cambodia has as many as 2800 monasteries with 82000 monks and novices.
In 1914, the government opened, in Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia, a Pali high school where young monks were instructed and gave Diploma after for years training. The instruction was not only confined to the religion subjects but also including subjects useful in the temporal world. This school has now developed into college. In 1933, the authority began to establish elementary Pali school, where the monks are trained. The last few years a new re-opened Buddhist University which known as Preah Sihanouk Raj Buddhist University.
To achieve this program of religious instruction in Phnom Penh a Royal library was opened in 1925 and a Buddhist Institute in 1930, later the government appointed a Tipi¥aka boards consisting of eminent scholars who were asked to prepare for publication Pali Texts and Cambodian transitions. The library output of this instruction in highly credible. There are 110 volumes in bilingual series (Pali- Cambodia). A copy of all the texts of the Pali canon written by hands were sent to the sixth Buddhist council (Chattasa¼gæyana) help in Rangoon, Burma (1954-1956).
Among the ten volumes published in Pali and translation (1938-1954) are the Abhidhamma Sa¼gaha (1938), the Visuddhimagga (1946), Bhikkhupatimokkha (1950), Ma¼gala¥¥hadipanø (1952), and the Abhidhamma pi¥aka and the Sattappakærana Abhidhamma (1953), not fewer than 187 volumes, mostly on religious subjects, have been published in the Cambodian language by the various libraries and institutions. Thus, Cambodia has made tremendous progress in field of populization of Pali studies and the education of the monks. Not only that in order to keep close cooperation between the Buddhist monastic order and the government, the ministry of religious affair was founded.
Senior members of the monastic order take part in newly all state ceremonies and observances. In turn, the government protects the land and revenues of the order, gives financial support to the maintenance of the monasteries, promotes the monastic education and fosters Buddhist teaching in schools and on radio and TV program.
The oath of allegiance ceremony in which loyalty was pledged to the king superseded by a government sponsored Constitution Day in which religious ceremonies had prominent places.
The Hierarchical system of monastic activities is kept under careful supervision and good discipline maintained among the quarter million monks and novice. The administrative structure of the order in Cambodia is closely parallel that of the civil government at all levels, provincial as well as central.
The ministry of religious affair looks like as special secretary general of the monastic order. The ministry oversees the budget of the monastic order and assists the officers of the order with their administrative duties.
The heads of Sa¼ghas in Cambodia are the supreme patriarchies, the Samdech Preah Sa¼gharæja who were appointed by the king consultation with the order. The supreme patriarchies are chosen of the basic of rank and abilities. They are two in number, one is to govern the Mahænikæya sect and another is to control the Dhammayuttikanikæya one, ordinarily they remain in the office until their deaths. The present Sangharaja are Samdech Preah Sumedhædhipati Tep Vong of Mahænikæya and Samdech Preah Sugandhadhipati Bur Kry.
Cambodia literatures and mural arts have heavily upon the Sutta Pi¥aka and Jætaka tales of the Buddha. Aside from music and drama, Buddhism has been the inspiration of the most Cambodian art forms.
Buddhist temples are always the most beautiful and ornate building in the villages. The interior walls of the temple often are covered with mural painting, doors and windows are decorated with intricate designs of foliage of devotes in gold against background of or black lacquer and eaves and gables adorned with wood carving. Mosaic of the porcelain and colored grass often covered the pillars, the altars and sometimes portions of the wall of the Vihæra. The balustrades are frequently made in the form of Naga with the heads serving for newel points. Figure of the Devas and animals are sometimes set above the bases of Cetiya or of temple libraries. Considerable artistry is devoted to the roofs, which highly decorated gables. Within the images of the Buddha of various sizes, some of metal, bronze, gold or silver, others of stone or crystal or of brick covered with mother of pearl designs and various utensils and insignia of rank used in the priesthood are of the same material. Boxes, bowls and utensils are also made of gold or silver.
In the former years, every young man was expected to spend at least a few months in the monastic order to make merit for oneself and others and to study religious subjects (Buddhism). This practice has diminished somewhat because of the competition of economic and educational goals for young man today.
Cambodia, however, accept their religion as heritage of belief, teaching and custom, which in time of rejoicing or death, meet emotional needs and provides answers to the mysteries of life. It supply as doctrine of man, metaphysics, a moral law and an ultimate goal. For daily life, it provides ways for making merit for self and others; devotional exercises austerities, ascetic, enjoyment, and assurance of safety and good fortune by ways of devotion, good conduct, amulets and verbal mantras.
The followers did not formulate the teaching but came to require of the religion such answer and rites as Buddhism could provide. Gift taken to the monasteries are usually carried on silver tray or in silver bowls. It has heavily been devoted to the temple and result may be seen in long sloth banners with hang in temple, in special robes for image, in cloth bags give to the monks for carrying scripture and small objects, and in ornate fans which mark the ecclesiastical rank of the Bhikkhu or monks. The art of the scribe has been exercise in the making ollas sacred palm leaf books with character in Cambodian inscribed with a stylus, then inked, and the whole bound between ornate covers decorated with gold.
During its long residence in Cambodia Buddhism has been become literally rooted in the soul. Excavators constantly find bronze and stone image of the Buddha in the unexpected places, perhaps while digging the foundations or irrigation ditches. Children and adults often wear Buddhist amulets for adornment and protection.
For centuries before Cambodia established its modern educational system, the monasteries gave instruction in reading, writing and simple arithmetic to the novices and small boys in residence. The temple boys were primarily servants who run errands carried parcels for the monks, and help to keep the monasteries premises clean. In return they received food and lodging, moral and religious instruction and a chance to study in a primary school. Some of the boys are relative of the monks, some orphans, some the children of families living far from monastery.
In Phnom Penh, hundreds if not thousand of boys and young men living in monastery dormitories while attending high school and university. They may or may not be depend upon the monastery for food. Cambodia is proud to say that current Prime Minister, Hun Sen, is one of them.
The public schools are conducted in the monasteries, formerly religious instruction in accordance with the tenets of Buddhism was provided for all government schools. In addition, the textbooks including materials on social behavior to meet the present day condition were provided. Lager monasteries with from fifty to five hundred resident monks and novices living depending upon the character and enterprise of the abbot. Large and well run monastery has a Vihæra or temple to worship as the principle building, an Uposatha building of similar design for ecclesiastic rites, one or more Cetiyas or Stupas and numerous of huts for monks and pavilions of Sæla for lay visitors. Temple yard is swept clean and sanded it may be brightened with a few flowers and shrubs cultivated by monks or by some devotees. They are together by ties of custom and reciprocal services. By gradual adjustment through the centuries, Buddhism has become indigenous in Cambodia.
The pattern of relationship between monks and laity is in effect reciprocal and as far as the merit making is concerned, economic cost of supplying the Sa¼gha with food, gift and other necessary is great. The rich and highly ranking devotees are expected to contribute their wealth for upkeep for the monasteries and the monks proportionately more than are the poor, but this seems not be the case. It has been observed that the poor too, tend to spend a larger proportion of their income on making merit than their wealthier neighbor do. Here as they think that they would like to offset the previous evil or bad deed, which cause their poverty in these very lives. The poor also believe that a larger proportion of economic expenditure on merit making that they have spent as a kind of investment, and will lead to bigger accumulation of merit and greater enhancement of well being.
As observance, the most meritorious deed that Cambodia consider, are in descending of importance as following:
1. Becoming a novice (sæma¼era).
2. Becoming a monks (higher ordination or Uposatha).
3. Contributing enough money for the construction of monastery.
4. having a son ordained as the monk.
5. Making excursion to Buddhist shrines throughout the country.
6. Making contribution toward the reparation of the monastery.
7. Offering food daily and on the Sabbath day.
8. Attending the monastery on the Sabbath day and observing the eight precepts (Uposatha Søla)
9. Observing the five precepts all the time.
10. Offering money and cloth to the monks on Kathina ceremony.
11. Attending ceremonies on Visaka full moon day.
12. Offering food and cloths to the monks on Pchum Ben Day (ceremony which Cambodian celebrates for dedicating wholesome deed to those who passed away or Peta).
13. Celebrating and making merit during the Khmer New Year, etc…
Anyhow, Buddhist ceremonies in Cambodia are difficult to classify because they are numerous and yet pass the common characteristics. The Sa¼gha, the third of the triple gems, Buddha, Dhamma, and the order, participates in all formal Buddhist ceremonies including daily and weekly worship service and state, memorial occasional and life cycle rites.
Buddhism today has become dominant great in Cambodia. It influences all walks of lives of the Cambodian; it is hardly to convert them to other faith, for instance, during the colony, French had tried to introduce the Roman Catholic form of the Christianity to the land, Cambodia remained steadfast in their ancient culture (Buddhism).
Cambodia is proud to mention that her people from the grass to the top of the society have enthusiastically supports their belief. They in order to show their strong support and believes to their creed had become monks for sometimes in their lives. Some of the present Cambodian leaders who had been monks are:
- His Majesty King Sihanouk Varman (the former king who abdicate last year).
- His highest Prince Norodom Ranaridh, the president of the National Assembly.
- His highest Prince Norodom Sirivudh, the vice Prime minister and minister of ministry of interior.
- His Excellency, Chea Sim, the president of the senate.
- His Excellency, Dr. Sam Rangsy, the leader of the opposition Sam Rangsy party.
These are few names among them who had been, once time or another, monks in their lives. This clearly proves that Cambodia had made the tremendous progress in the popularization of Buddhism. Therefore, the religion is so important in the people’s life that cannot be separable from each other. It may not be in exaggeration to say that Buddhism has deeply penetrated into Cambodian’s hearts.
Ven. Sin Kong (Indriyasamvara)
Cambodian Monk, B. A (B.Dh)
Reference:
1. History of the Theravada Buddhism in South East Asia, by K.L. Hazra, University
of Culcutta, 1982.
2. Pali literature of South East Asia, by Ven. Dr. H. Saddhatissa, 1990.
3. Encyclopedia of Buddhism. 2005
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ព្រះសង្ឃរាជថ្នាក់ទី១ នៃគណៈមហានិកាយ
រៀបរៀងដោយព្រះមុនីកោសល សូរ ហាយ តាមឯកសារខ្លះរបស់ព្រះឃោសធម្ម ប៉ុណ្យ សុម្ភោជ និងលោកទ្រិញ វ៉ាញ ១៩៧០ (ចម្លងចេញពីទស្សនាវដ្ដី អក្សរសាស្ត្រ មនុស្សសាស្ត្រ របស់សាកលវិទ្យាល័យភូមិន្ទភ្នំពេញ) លេខពិសេស ខែធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៨ និងលេខពិសេស ខែមករា កុម្ភៈ មីនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៩។
ខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអាត្មាភាព ជាសមាជិកនៃ គណៈកម្មការឃោសនា ដោយមានលោកទ្រិញ វ៉ាញ ជាប្រធាននៃគណៈកម្មការ អស់លោកជាសមាជិកគណៈកម្មការទាំងអស់មានលោក លាង ហាប់អាន ជាដើម បានផ្ទុកផ្ដាក់នូវការស្រាវជ្រាវរៀបរៀងព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិ នៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជមកលើខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអាត្មាភាព ដូចមានលិខិតលេខ ៨៤៤ ព.ប ចុះថ្ងៃ ទី៧ ខែតុលា ឆ្នាំ១៩៦៩ ជាលិខិតលោក លាង ហាប់អាន នាយកវិទ្យាស្ថានពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យ ដែលតម្រូវមកលើខ្លួនខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអត្មាភាពឲ្យស្រាវជ្រាវ រៀបរៀងព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិនៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជជាអម្ចាស់។
ខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអត្មាភាព សូមទទួលការនេះដោយគោរព តាមសមានឆន្ទៈនៃគណៈកម្មការ។ ព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិនៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជនេះ ខ្ញុំព្រះករុណាអត្មាភាពសូមចែកជាបរិច្ឆេទ១២ ដើម្បីឲ្យងាយមើលចំណាំក្នុងបរិច្ឆេទមួយៗ តាមរយៈកាលនៃព្រះជីវភាព ព្រះវីរយភាព និងព្រះករណីយកិច្ចនៃ សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ព្រមទាំងឲ្យងាយស្រួលក្នុងការរៀបរៀងវែកញែកសេចក្ដី ដូចតទៅនេះ៖
បរិច្ឆេទ១២យ៉ាង
១. ជាតិបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីជាតិ
២. កុមារបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីភាពនៅជាកុមារ
៣. បព្វជ្ជាបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីបព្វជ្ជា
៤. ឧបសម្បទានបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីឧបសម្បទា
៥. បរិយត្តិបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីការសិក្សា
៦. បេសកកម្មបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីការទទួលបម្រើកិច្ចការ
៧. ឋានន្តរបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីឋានន្តរ
៨. សមណសក្តិបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីសមណសក្តិ
៩. ឥស្សរិយបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីឥស្សរិយយស
១០. ពុទ្ធវុឌ្ឍិបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីការធ្វើសេចក្ដីចម្រើនក្នុងផ្លូវលោក និងផ្លូវព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា
១១. ចរិតលក្ខណៈបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីលក្ខណៈនៃ ជីវិតប្រក្រតី
១២. ជីវិតាវសានបរិច្ឆេទ៖ កំណត់អំពីទីបំផុតនៃ ព្រះជន្មាយុ
អធិប្បាយចំពោះបរិច្ឆេទមួយៗ
១. ជាតិបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីជាតិ)
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ទ្រង់ប្រសូតនៅថ្ងៃអង្គារ ១១រោច ខែផល្គុន ឆ្នាំវក ឆស័ក ព.ស.២៤២៧ គឺថ្ងៃទី១១ ខែ មីនា គ.ស.១៨៨៣ នៅភូមិកំរៀង សង្កាត់រកាកោះ ស្រុកគងពិសី ខេត្តកំពង់ស្ពឺ។ សម្ដេចមានព្រះជាតិក្នុងត្រកូលកសិករ ព្រះមាតានៃសម្ដេចនាម យក់ ព្រះបិតានាម ព្រហ្ម ជួន។ គ្រួសារនេះមានបុត្រតែពីរនាក់គឺ អង្គសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ និងលោកឧកញ៉ាសោភណ្ឌមន្ត្រី ជួន នុត ជាព្រះអនុជនៃ សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ។
២. កុមារបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីភាពនៃកុមារ)
សម្ដេចកាលឋិតនៅក្នុងកុមារភាព មានព្រះជន្មាយុរវាង១២ឆ្នាំ ព្រះមាតាបិតាបាននាំយកទៅផ្ទុកផ្ដាក់ឲ្យរៀនសូត្រអក្សរសាស្ត្រ របស់ជាតិក្នុងសំណាក់លោកគ្រូសូត្រស្ដាំនាម កែ ម៉ម វត្តពោធិព្រឹក្ស ហៅវត្តពោល្យំ សង្កាត់រលាំងកែន ស្រុកកណ្ដាលស្ទឹង ខេត្តកណ្ដាល។
៣. បព្វជ្ជាបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីបព្វជ្ជា)
លុះសម្ដេចមានព្រះជន្មាយុ១៤ឆ្នាំ បានបួសជាសាមណេរ ក្នុងថ្ងៃ១៥កើត ខែពិសាខ ឆ្នាំច សំរឹទ្ធិស័ក ព.ស.២៤៤១ គ.ស.១៨៩៧ នៅបំពេញកិច្ចសិក្សានាវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្ស អស់រយៈកាលពីរឆ្នាំ ទើបចេញអំពីវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្សទៅរៀនសូត្រព្រះបរិយត្តិធម៌ ឯវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ ក្នុងសំណាក់ព្រះពុទ្ធគ្រូ ទេព សោ នាកុដិថែវប្របកំពែងខាងជើងក្នុងកាលព.ស.២៤៤៣ គ.ស.១៨៩៩។
៤. ឧប្បសម្បទាបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីឧបសម្បទា)
សម្ដេច លុះបានព្រះជន្មាយុគម្រប់២១ព្រះវស្សាបានទ្រង់និមន្តត្រឡប់ទៅសូម ឧបម្បទាជាភិក្ខុ ក្នុងវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្សដែលជាវត្តដើមវិញ ដោយមានព្រះតេជព្រះគុណ ព្រះពុទ្ធឃោសាចារ្យ ម៉ា កេត សុវណ្ណប្បញ្ញោជាព្រះឧបជ្ឈាយ៍ កាលលោកនៅជាចៅអធិការវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្សមានព្រះតេជព្រះគុណ កែ ម៉ម មិស្សនាគោ ជាគ្រូសូត្រស្ដាំ និងព្រះតេជព្រះគុណ អ៊ឹម ខឹម តិក្ខប្បញ្ញោ ជាគ្រូសូត្រឆ្វេង សូត្របំពេញកិច្ចឧបសម្បទានៅថ្ងៃ១៤កើត ខែជេស្ឋ ឆ្នាំរោង ឆស័ក ព.ស.២៤៤៨ គ.ស.១៩០៤។ សម្ដេចទ្រង់ទទួលព្រះនាមប្បញ្ញត្តិថា ជោតញ្ញាណោ លុះទ្រង់បំពេញឧបសម្បទាជាភិក្ខុភាពរួចហើយ ទ្រង់ក៏និមន្តត្រឡប់មកគង់នៅវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ទទួលការសិក្សាគន្ថធុរៈវិញទៀត។
៥. បរិយត្តិបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីការសិក្សា)
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ មានសេចក្ដីព្យាយាមប្រកបដោយថាមពលដ៏ក្លៀវក្លាក្នុងការសិក្សា ទាំងផ្នែកភាសាបាលី ទាំងផ្នែកភាសាឯទៀតៗ មានភាសាបារាំងជាដើម។ ការសិក្សារបស់សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ មានជោគជ័យប្រសើរណាស់ ឃើញមានតែសម្ដេចសង្ឃរាជដែលរៀនចម្រើនលូតលាស់ មានល្បឿនឈ្នះលោកឯទៀតៗ។ សម្ដេចចាប់រៀនដំបូងមេសូត្រ ប្រែមូលកច្ចាយនៈ និងគម្ពីរធម្មបទអំពីព្រះពុទ្ធឃោសាចារ្យព្រះនាម ម៉ា កេត ដែលជាព្រះឧបជ្ឈាយ៍ នៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ដែលទ្រង់ចាប់រៀនវិជ្ជាណាមួយ មានវិជ្ជាបាលីជាដើម គឺរៀនដោយយកព្រះទ័យទុកដាក់ ខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែង ឥតមានបន្ធូរបន្ថយក្នុងការសិក្សានោះឡើយ។
សម្ដេចទ្រង់ទទួលការសិក្សានោះគឺ សិក្សាដោយឆន្ទៈដ៏មានកម្លាំងមែណទែន ពុំមែនសិក្សាវិជ្ជាណាមួយដោយលេងៗ ទេ។ វិជ្ជាខាងភាសាបាលី ភាសាសំស្ក្រឹត និងភាសាបារាំង សុទ្ធតែវិជ្ជាដែលប្រដាប់ដោយវេយ្យាករណ៍ហ្មត់ចត់ ជ្រាលជ្រៅលំបាករៀន លំបាកយល់ជាទីបំផុត ប៉ុន្តែសម្ដេចអាចរៀន អាចយល់ច្បាស់លាស់ ដោយឆាប់រហ័សគួរឲ្យកោតសរសើរពន់ពេកណាស់។
សម្ដេចទ្រង់ចេះដឹងយល់ធ្លុះធ្លាយចំពោះវេយ្យាករណ៍ គ្រប់ភាសា ដែលសម្ដេចបានរៀន មានវេយ្យាករណ៍បាលីសំស្ក្រឹតជាដើម ទាំងអក្សរសាស្ត្ររបស់ជាតិ និងពាក្យពេចន៍ក្នុងផ្នែកវប្បធម៌បុរាណក៏សម្ដេចចេះចាំយល់ហេតុផល ជាច្រើនណាស់។ ភាសាសៀម ភាសាលាវ និងភាសាបារាំង ដែលសម្ដេចបានរៀន អាចនិយាយប្រាស្រ័យទាក់ទងនឹងជនជាតិសៀម ជាតិលាវ និងជាតិបារាំងបាន។ សម្ដេចឈ្លាសវៃប្រសព្វយកតម្រាប់តាមសំឡេងភាសាជាតិដទៃៗឲ្យស្រដៀង ឬដូចភាសាជាតិដទៃបាន។ ភាសាអង់គ្លេស និងភាសាវៀតណាម ក៏សម្ដេចបានរៀន អាចមើល សរសេរនិយាយ ប្រាស្រ័យបានច្រើនដែរ។
ក្នុងសម័យដែលសម្ដេចកំពុងសិក្សាវិជ្ជាខាងបាលី ក្នុងរវាងគ.ស.១៩១០ ឃើញថាសម្ដេចមានព្រះកិត្តិស័ព្ទល្បីថា ជាព្រះថេរៈ ស្ទាត់ជំនាញពូកែខាងភាសាបាលី អាចនិយាយភាសាបាលីបានជាងភិក្ខុ សាមណេរឯទៀត ដែលរៀនជាមួយគ្នាក្នុងសម័យនោះ។
នៅព.ស.២៤៥៧ គ.ស.១៩១៣ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានចូលប្រឡងដេញប្រយោគក្នុងព្រះឧបោសថរតនារាម វិហារព្រះកែវមរកត ចំពោះព្រះភ័ក្ត្រព្រះករុណាព្រះបាទសម្ដេចព្រះស៊ីសុវត្ថិបាន៤ប្រយោគ ដែលជាប្រយោគជាន់ខ្ពស់បំផុតក្នុងសម័យនោះ។
ព.ស.២៤៥៩ គ.ស.១៩១៥ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានប្រឡងជាប់លេខ២ បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសាស្ត្រាចារ្យនៅសាលាបាលីជាន់ខ្ពស់ ដែលសព្វថ្ងៃមានឈ្មោះជាពុទ្ធិកវិទ្យាល័យសុរាម្រឹត។
ក្រៅពីភាសាខ្មែរ ដែលសម្ដេចទ្រង់បានស្រាវជ្រាវយល់ឫសគល់ពិតប្រាកដ សម្ដេចបានសិក្សាភាសាបាលី អាចអាន ឬសន្ទនាតាមសំនៀងជាតិបរទេសបានទាំងអស់ គឺសំនៀងលង្កា ភូមា មន សៀម និងលាវ ឥតមានទើសទាក់់ភ្លាំងភ្លាត់ឡើយ។
ព.ស.២៤៦៦ និង២៤៦៧ គ.ស.១៩២២ និង១៩២៣ សម្ដេចកាលនៅជាព្រះគ្រូសង្ឃសត្ថា (ជាមួយនឹងសម្ដេចព្រះពោធិវ័ង្ស ហួត តាត វជិរប្បញ្ញោ កាលនៅជាព្រះគ្រូសង្ឃវិជ្ជា) បានធ្វើជាសមណៈសិស្ស និមន្តទៅបំពេញវិជ្ជាខាងភាសាសំស្ក្រឹត និងអក្សរសិលាចារឹកជាដើម នៅសាលាបារាំងសែសចុងបូព៌ាប្រទេស នាក្រុងហាណូយ (វៀតណាមខាងជើង) ក្នុងសំណាក់លោក ល្វី ហ្វឺណូត៍ (L. Finot) ជាតិបារាំងសេស ជាចាងហ្វាងសាលានេះ។
៦. បេសកកម្មបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីការទទួលបម្រើកិច្ចការ)
ព.ស.២៤៦៣ គ.ស.១៩១៩ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានធ្វើជាសមាជិកនៃក្រុមជំនុំតែងវចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ ដែលទ្រង់ជាលេខាធិការ កាន់កិច្ចការផ្ទាល់ លុះត្រាបានចប់ចុងចប់ដើម។
ព.ស.២៤៦៩ គ.ស.១៩២៥ សម្ដេចបានធ្វើជាសមាជិក នៃក្រុមជំនុំពិនិត្យអក្ខរាវិរុទ្ធនៃសៀវភៅនានា ដែលសាលាបាលីជាន់ខ្ពស់ បោះពុម្ពផ្សាយ។
ព.ស.២៤៧០ គ.ស.១៩២៦ តមកជាច្រើនឆ្នាំ សម្ដេចបានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាមេប្រយោគ ក្នុងការប្រឡងយកវិញ្ញាបនប័ត្របឋមសិក្សាខ្មែរ និងការប្រឡងយកសញ្ញាប័ត្របឋមសិក្សាជាន់ខ្ពស់ បារាំង-ខ្មែរ នៅក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
ព.ស.២៤៧១ គ.ស.១៩២៧ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសមាជិក នៃក្រុមជំនុំផ្ទៀងសម្រេចខាងវចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ ហើយសម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលភារៈធ្វើវចនានុក្រម តែមួយព្រះអង្គឯង ដរាបដល់បានចប់សព្វគ្រប់ បានបោះពុម្ពផ្សាយទាំងភាគ១ភាគ២ បាន៥គ្រាហើយ។
ក្នុងឆ្នាំដដែលនេះ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជា សមាជិកនៃក្រុមអភិបាលជំនុំផ្ដាច់ឆ្នាំ សម្រាប់បណ្ណាល័យកម្ពុជា ដែលសព្វថ្ងៃហៅថា វិទ្យាស្ថានពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៤ គ.ស.១៩៣០ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំង ក្នុងមុខងារជាចាងហ្វាងរង នៃសាលាបាលីជាន់ខ្ពស់ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
ក្នុងឆ្នាំដដែលនោះ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជា សមាជិកជំនួយនៃ ក្រុមជំនុំព្រះត្រៃបិដក នៅពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យ ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៦ គ.ស.១៩៣២ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសមាជិកនៃក្រុមជំនុំខាងការ ស្រាវជ្រាវជ្រើសរើសរកពាក្យពេចន៍ក្នុងផ្ទៃ នៃកវីនិពន្ធខ្មែរបុរាណ ដើម្បីប្រមូលបញ្ចូលពាក្យទាំងនេះ ទៅក្នុងវចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៧ គ.ស.១៩៣៣ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួល ការតែងតាំងជាសមាជិក នៃក្រុមជំនុំពិនិត្យសៀវភៅដែលក្រសួងសិក្សាធិការជាតិបោះពុម្ព ផ្សាយ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៨ គ.ស.១៩៣៤ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសមាជិកនៃក្រុមជំនុំជ្រើសរើស ពាក្យខ្មែរប្រៀបធៀបនឹងពាក្យបារាំងសម្រាប់ប្រើក្នុងកិច្ចការ រាជការ។
ព.ស.២៤៧៩ គ.ស.១៩៣៥ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលការតែងតាំងជាសាស្ត្រាចារ្យបង្រៀនភាសាបាលី សំស្ក្រឹត ខ្មែរ និងលាវ ប្រចាំថ្នាក់ទីបំផុតនៃមធ្យមសិក្សា នៅវិទ្យាល័យព្រះស៊ីសុវត្ថិ ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
៧. ឋានន្តរបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីឋានន្តរ)
ព.ស.២៤៨៦ គ.ស.១៩៤២ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលឋានន្តរ ជាចាងហ្វាងនៃ សាលាបាលីជាន់ខ្ពស់ ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ ដែលសព្វថ្ងៃកែប្រែឈ្មោះជាពុទ្ធិកវិទ្យាល័យព្រះសុរាម្រឹត។
ព.ស.២៤៨៨ គ.ស.១៩៤៤ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលតំណែងជាចៅអធិការវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម។
ព.ស.២៤៨៩ គ.ស.១៩៤៥ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលនាទីជាអធិបតីនៃថេរសភា គឺក្រុមជំនុំជាន់ខ្ពស់របស់សង្ឃ។
ព.ស.២៤៩១ គ.ស.១៩៤៧ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលនាទីជាអនុប្រធានគណៈកម្មការវប្បធម៌ផ្នែកអក្សរ ក នៃ គណៈកម្មការជាតិខាងការសិក្សា។
ព.ស.២៤៩២ គ.ស.១៩៤៨ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលនាទីជាប្រធានគណៈកម្មការធម្មវិន័យពិនិត្យការ ផ្សាយសៀវភៅសម្រាប់សាលាធម្មវិន័យក្នុងព្រះរាជាណាចក្រ។
គ.ស.១៩៦១ រហូតមក សម្ដេចទ្រង់ប្រោសមេត្តាទទួលនិមន្តរបស់សមាគមអ្នកនិពន្ធខ្មែរធ្វើ ជាព្រះប្រធាននៃ ការសម្ភាសអក្សរសាស្ត្រ ផ្សាយតាមវិទ្យុជាតិរៀងរាល់ថ្ងៃសុក្រ។
គ.ស.១៩៦៨ ទ្រង់ទទួលឋានៈជាប្រធានគណៈកម្មការពិនិត្យអត្ថបទផ្សាយជារឿងខាងប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រខ្មែរ។
គ.ស.១៩៦៩ ព្រះអង្គទ្រង់ទទួលការតែងតាំងជាប្រធានគណៈកម្មការពិនិត្យ និងកំណត់អំពីន័យរបស់ទង់ជាតិខ្មែរ។
ព្រះកិច្ចការដែលសម្ដេចទ្រង់បានបំពេញក្នុងព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនានៅបរទេស
នៅព.ស.២៤៧៥ គ.ស.១៩៣១ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភួនៃមន្ត្រីសង្ឃ ទៅកាន់ក្រុងវៀងច័ន្ទន៍ និងក្រុងហ្លួងព្រះបាង ប្រទេសលាវ ដើម្បីរួបរួមក្នុងពិធីសម្ពោធពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យប្រទេសលាវផង ដើម្បីជំនុំពិភាក្សាអំពីការសិក្សាសម្រាប់សាលាបាលីរងនៅប្រទេសលាវ ផង។
ព.ស.២៤៧៧ គ.ស.១៩៣៣ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំ គណៈប្រតិភូព្រះសង្ឃខ្មែរទៅធ្វើទស្សនាចរណ៍ចំពោះវត្តខ្មែរទាំងឡាយ ក្នុងដែនកូសាំងស៊ីន កម្ពុជាក្រោម។
នៅព.ស.២៤៨៣ គ.ស.១៩៣៩ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូមួយទៅកាន់ប្រទេសលាវម្ដងទៀត ដើម្បីប្រជុំប្រឹក្សាកិច្ចការ នៃពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យប្រទេសលាវ និងការសិក្សាសម្រាប់សាលាបាលីនៅប្រទេសលាវផង ដើម្បីជួយរំលឹកដាស់តឿនប្រជាជាតិលាវឲ្យមានការសិក្សាព្រះ បរិយត្តធម៌ និងការប្រតិបត្តិព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា ឲ្យស្របគ្នាតាមរបៀបការសិក្សា និងការប្រតិបត្តិព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនានៃប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ទាំងប្រជាជាតិនៅក្នុងទីប្រជុំជន និងក្នុងខេត្តនានា នៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រលាវ ខំប្រឹងយកចិត្តទុកដាក់ក្នុងការសិក្សា និងការប្រតិបត្តិឲ្យបានត្រឹមត្រង់គន្លងព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាផង។
ព.ស.២៤៨៧ គ.ស.១៩៤៣ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានទទួលនាទីជាសមាជិកឆ្លើយឆ្លងនៃសាលាបារាំងសែសនៅចុង បូព៌ាប្រទេស ហើយនៅព.ស.២៤៩២ គ.ស.១៩៤៨ សម្ដេចបានទ្រង់ទទួលនាទីជាសមាជិកកិត្តិយសនៃសាលានេះដរាបមក។
ព.ស.២៤៩៤ គ.ស.១៩៥០ សម្ដេចបានទ្រង់ដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរនៅប្រជុំសន្និសីទដើម្បី បង្កើតពុទ្ធិកសមាគមពិភពលោកនៅក្រុងកោលម្បូ ប្រទេសស្រីលង្កាទ្វីប។
នៅព.ស.២៤៩៧ គ.ស.១៩៥៣ សម្ដេចបានទ្រង់ដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរទៅបំពេញបេសកកម្មសុឆន្ទៈ ប្រឹក្សាសម្រេចរឿងឆដ្ឋសង្គាយនា នៅក្រុងរង្គូន សហភាពភូមា។
ក្នុងឆ្នាំជាបន្ទាប់នៅព.ស.២៤៩៨ គ.ស.១៩៥៤ សម្ដេចបានទ្រង់ដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរនិមន្តនៅកាន់ក្រុងរង្គូន ប្រទេសភូមាម្ដងទៀត ដើម្បីរួបរួមក្នុងការប្រជុំធ្វើឆដ្ឋសង្គាយនាសម័យប្រជុំដំបូង។
កន្លងមួយឆ្នាំក្រោយមក ព.ស.២៤៩៩ គ.ស.១៩៥៥ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរទៅកាន់ទីឆដ្ឋសង្គាយ នៅក្រុងរង្គូន ប្រទេសភូមា ជាលើកទីបីដើម្បីប្រជុំ ហើយបិទសម័យប្រជុំប្រចាំឆ្នាំ។
នៅព.ស.២៥០៣ គ.ស.១៩៥៩ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានដឹកនាំគណៈប្រតិភូខ្មែរទៅកាន់ក្រុងជកត៌ា និងក្រុងសឹម៉ារ៉ាំង កោះជ្វា ប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី ដើម្បីចូលរួមក្នុងពិធីបុណ្យវិសាខបូជា។
ព.ស.២៥០៣ ចូលរួមពិធីបញ្ចុះខណ្ឌសីមា និងពិធីសន្មតរោងឧបោសថ ព្រមទាំងជាព្រះឧបជ្ឈាយ៍បំបួសកុលបុត្រ អ្នកប្រទេសនោះចំនួនបីរូបផង។
៨. សមណសក្ដិបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីសមណស័ក្តិ)
ដោយព្រះមហាវិរិយភាពរបស់សម្ដេច ដែលទ្រង់បានបំពេញទាំងផ្លូវព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា ទាំងផ្លូវលោកដែលយើងបានឃើញជាភស្តុតាង សម្ដេចក៏បានឡើងសមណស័ក្តិជាលំដាប់លំដោយ ដូចតទៅនេះគឺ៖
ព.ស.២៤៥៤ គ.ស.១៩១០ សម្ដេចបានទទួលការតែងតាំងក្នុងសមណស័ក្តិ ជាព្រះបាឡាត់សាក្យបុត្តិយ៍ (បាឡាត់របស់ព្រះសក្យវង្ស នុត វត្តឧណ្ណាលោម)។
ព.ស.២៤៥៦ គ.ស.១៩១២ សម្ដេចបានទទួលសមណស័ក្តិជាព្រះគ្រូសង្ឃសត្ថា (ទីឋានានុក្រម សម្រាប់ថ្នាក់ឯករបស់សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជព្រះនាម ទៀង)។
ព.ស.២៤៧៥ គ.ស.១៩៣១ សម្ដេចបានឡើងសមណស័ក្តិជាព្រះសាសនសោភ័ណ (រាជាគណៈកិត្តិយស)។
ព.ស.២៤៨៤ គ.ស.១៩៤០ សម្ដេចបានឡើងសមណស័ក្តិជាព្រះពុទ្ធឃោសាចារ្យ (រាជាគណៈថ្នាក់ទី២)។
ព.ស.២៤៨៨ គ.ស.១៩៤៤ សម្ដេចបានឡើងជាសមណស័ក្តិជាព្រះពោធិវ័ង្ស (រាជាគណៈថ្នាក់ទី១)។
ព.ស.២៤៩២ គ.ស.១៩៤៨ សម្ដេចបានឡើងសមណស័ក្តិខ្ពស់បំផុតជាព្រះមហាសុមេធាធិបតី សង្ឃនាយក គណៈមហានិកាយ។
ព.ស.២៤៩៤ គ.ស.១៩៥០ ព្រះករុណាជាអម្ចាស់ជីវិតទ្រង់បានប្រោសប្រទានប្រគេនព្រះឋានៈជា សម្ដេចព្រះមហាសុមេធាធិបតី សង្ឃនាយកគណៈមហានិកាយ។
លុះដល់មកព.ស.២៤៩៨ គ.ស.១៩៥៤ រដ្ឋាភិបាលសហភាពភូមាបានប្រគេនព្រះឋានៈសម្ដេចជា ព្រះអគ្គមហាបណ្ឌិតសហភាពភូមា។
ស្រាប់តែដល់មកព.ស.២៥០១ គ.ស.១៩៥៧ រដ្ឋាភិបាលសហភាពភូមា បានសូមតម្លើងព្រះឋានៈសម្ដេចជា ព្រះអភិធជៈមហារដ្ឋគរុ នៃសហភាពភូមាទៀត ដែលជាសមណស័ក្តិដ៏ខ្ពស់បំផុតមានតែមួយអង្គក្នុងសហភាពភូមា។
ខែកុម្ភៈ គ.ស.១៩៦៤ អ្នកនិពន្ធខ្មែរទាំងអស់បានថ្វាយព្រះឋានៈព្រះអង្គជា ព្រះអគ្គនិពន្ធអក្សរសាស្ត្រខ្មែរ និងជាសមាជិកកិត្តិយសនៃសមាគមអ្នកនិពន្ធខ្មែរផង។
ព.ស.២៥០៧ គ.ស.១៩៦៣ សម្ដេចព្រះ នរោត្ដម សីហនុ ព្រះប្រមុខរដ្ឋនៃប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ទ្រង់បានប្រោសប្រទានព្រះឋានៈសម្ដេចជា សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជថ្នាក់ទី១។
ថ្ងៃទី២៨ ឧសភា ១៩៦៧ ទ្រង់បានទទួលសញ្ញាប័ត្របណ្ឌិតអក្សរសាស្ត្រ ពេញលក្ខណៈអំពីសម្ដេចព្រះប្រមុខរដ្ឋក្នុងនាមមហាវិទ្យាល័យ អក្សរសាស្ត្រ និងមនុសាស្ត្រ នៃភូមិន្ទសកលវិទ្យាល័យ។
៩. ឥស្សរិយបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីឥស្សរិយយស)
គ្រឿងឥស្សរិយយសដែលសម្ដេចបានទទួលមានដូចតទៅនេះ គឺ៖
- មេដាយអស្សឫទ្ធិមុនីសារភរណ៍ នៅព.ស.២៤៦១ គ.ស.១៩១៧។
- មេដាយអស្សឫទ្ធិព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា នៅព.ស.២៤៦៧ គ.ស.១៩៣២។
- មេដាយអស្សឫទ្ធិដំរីមួយលាន និងស្វេតច្ឆត្រ ប្រទេសលាវ នៅព.ស.២៤៧៦ គ.ស.១៩៣២។
- មេដាយសេនានៃបណ្ឌិតសភា សាធារណរដ្ឋបារាំង នៅព.ស.២៤៨១ គ.ស.១៩៣៧។
- មេដាយអស្សឫទ្ធិដឹឡាឡេស្យុងដូណ្ណើរ នៃសាធារណរដ្ឋបារាំង នៅព.ស.២៤៨៦ គ.ស.១៩៤២។
- មេដាយសេនា នៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា នៅព.ស.២៤៨៨ គ.ស.១៩៤៤។
- មេដាយសេនាដឹឡាឡេស្យុងដូណ្ណើរ នៃសាធារណរដ្ឋបារាំង នៅព.ស.២៤៩២ គ.ស.១៩៤៨។
- មេដាយមហាសិរីវឌ្ឍន៍ ព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា នៅព.ស.២៥០៥ គ.ស.១៩៦២។
- មេដាយមហាសិរីវឌ្ឍសុវត្ថារា នៅព.ស.២៥០៦ គ.ស.១៩៦៣។
- មេដាយជាតូបការ ដែលជាគ្រឿងឥស្សរិយយសធំបំផុត ក្នុងព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា នៅព.ស.២៥១៣ គ.ស.១៩៦៩។
១០. ពុទ្ធវុឌ្ឍិបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីការធ្វើសេចក្ដីចម្រើនក្នុងផ្លូវលោក និងផ្លូវព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា)
កិច្ចការ ឯទៀតរបស់សម្ដេច ក្រៅពីមុខការខាងសិក្សាដែលសុទ្ធតែជាការមានប្រយោជន៍ជាសាធារណៈ ក្នុងព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា និងប្រទេសជាតិនោះ នៅមានច្រើនទៅទៀត និយាយដោយសង្ខេបគឺចាប់តាំងពីឆ្នាំឆ្លូវសប្តស័ក ព.ស.២៤៧០ គ.ស.១៩២៤ រៀងមក សម្ដេចបានធ្វើការឧបត្ថម្ភវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្ស (ហៅវត្តពោល្យំ) ក្នុង សង្កាត់រលាំងកែន ស្រុកកណ្ដាលស្ទឹង ខេត្តកណ្ដាល ដែលមានព្រំប្រទល់ជាប់គ្នានឹងសង្កាត់រកាកោះ ស្រុកគងពិសី ខេត្តកំពង់ស្ពឺ ជាទីជាតិភូមិរបស់សម្ដេច ដូចមានសេនាសនភ័ណ្ឌតទៅនេះ៖
១. សម្ដេចបានជាវដីជុំវិញវត្តចំនួនជាង៣ហិកតា ពង្រីកទីវត្តឲ្យធំទូលាយច្រើនជាងពីដើម។
២. បានជួយឧបត្ថម្ភលើកថ្នល់ ភ្ជាប់ពីថ្នល់ជាតិចូលមកវត្តសុរភី និងពោធិព្រឹក្ស រួមចម្ងាយ៣គឺឡូម៉ែត្រ។
៣. បានស្ថាបនាវិហារបេតុងអារម៉េ សាលាបាលីរង (ពុទ្ធិកបឋមសិក្សា) រៀបចំទីវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្សទាំងមូល ឲ្យមានទេសភាពសមរម្យតាមសម័យនិយម។
៤. បាន ស្ថាបនាស្ពានធំមួយ និងស្ពានតូចមួយសុទ្ធតែបេតុងអារម៉េ ឆ្លងស្ទឹងតូចរាំងព្រំប្រទល់ សង្កាត់រលាំងកែន និងសង្កាត់រកាកោះ។
៥. បានឧបត្ថម្ភក្នុងការស្ថាបនាសាលាបឋមសិក្សាបំពេញវិជ្ជា សុរភីពោធិព្រឹក្ស៣ខ្នង តាំងពីគ.ស.១៩៤៨ រៀងរហូតដល់សាលានេះឡើងដល់ថ្នាក់ឧត្ដមដ្ឋាន សម្រាប់កូនចៅអ្នកស្រុកជើងវត្តសុរភី និងវត្តពោធិព្រឹក្ស។
៦. បានឧបត្ថម្ភឲ្យគេធ្វើថ្នល់លំមួយ ចាក់ក្រួសបាយក្រៀម ប្រើការបានដោយស្រួល។
៧. បានជាវទីដី៣ហិកតាកន្លះទុកដាក់ជាសាសនសម្បត្តិរៀងទៅ។
៨. បានស្ថាបនាខ្លោងទ្វាររបងអារម៉េមួយ។
៩. បានស្ថាបនា អាវសថសាលា (សាលាសំណាក់) ១ខ្នង។
១០. បានចាត់ការឲ្យជីកស្រះមួយទំហំ១០០ម៉ែត្របួនជ្រុង នៅត្រង់ទីថ្នល់បែកចេញពីថ្នល់ជាតិក្នុងសង្កាត់រកាកោះ។
១១. បានជួយឧបត្ដម្ភជីកអណ្ដូងបុកប្រើស្នប់៣កន្លែង។
១២. បានស្ថាបនាគិលានដ្ឋានមួយខ្នង ប្រសូតិគ្រឹះ (មន្ទីរសម្ភព) មួយខ្នង ដោយបេតុងអារម៉េ។
១៣. បានធ្វើកំពែងបេតុងអារម៉េ បណ្ដោយ១០០ម៉ែត្រ ទទឹង៥២ម៉ែត្រ ព័ទ្ធជុំវិញមន្ទីរពេទ្យទាំងពីរខ្នងនេះ។
១៤. បានស្ថាបនាអគារគព្ភិនីសំណាក់ក្នុងកំពែងនោះដែរ។
១៥. បានស្ថាបនាអគារបេតុងអារម៉េ២ខ្នង ក្រៅកំពែងនោះសម្រាប់គិលានសមណៈ។
១៦. បានចាត់ការឲ្យលើកទំនប់ទឹក១កន្លែងបណ្ដោយ៩០០ម៉ែត្រ ទទឹង៨០០ម៉ែត្រ (ដោយ សម្ដេចព្រះនរោត្ដម សីហនុ ឧបយុវរាជព្រះប្រមុខរដ្ឋ ទ្រង់សព្វព្រះទ័យបានប្រោសប្រទានព្រះរាជានុញ្ញាតឲ្យលើកទំនប់ទឹក នោះ)។
១៧. បាន ឧបត្ថម្ភឲ្យវេយ្យាវច្ចករដាំដំណាំលើទីដីខាងលើនេះ ជាប្រយោជន៍ដល់គិលានដ្ឋាន និងប្រសូតិគ្រឹះរបស់សម្ដេចទៅក្នុងអនាគតកាល (ស្ថាបនកម្មទាំងនេះនៅក្នុងភូមិស្រែបន្ទាយ សង្កាត់រកាកោះ)។
១៨. បានលះបង់ទីដីមួយកន្លែង ដែលសម្ដេចបានជាវហើយនោះជូនព្រះរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលឲ្យស្ថាបនាអគារមណ្ឌលនីតិកម្ម (ប៉ុស្តិប៉ូលីស) និងមន្ទីររាជសហករណ៍។ល។
១៩. បានផ្ដើមគំនិតធ្វើសមាគមកសាងមន្ទីរពេទ្យព្រះសង្ឃ ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។
២០. បានកសាងវិហារវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ដែលជាវិហារធំបំផុតជាងវិហារទាំងអស់ក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ហើយមានបីជាន់ ក្នុងព.ស.២៤៩៩ គ.ស.១៩៥៦។
២១. បានផ្ដើមកសាងព្រះសក្យមុនីចេតិយនៅខាងកើតស្ថានីយ៍រាជាយស្ម័យយាន។
២២. បានទំនុកបម្រុង ព្រមទាំងចាត់ចែងសមណនិស្សិតបញ្ជូនឲ្យទៅរៀនឯបរទេស មានប្រទេសឥណ្ឌា ភូមាជាដើម។
២៣. បានបង្កើតការសិក្សាធម្មវិន័យ ដើម្បីសិក្ខាកាមកុលបុត្រទូទៅពេញប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។
២៤. បានបង្កើតការអប់រំយុវជនដោយសីលធម៌ដែលនៅក្នុងវត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ឬវត្តឯទៀតៗ ដែលមានយុវជននៅវត្តជាច្រើននាក់។
២៥. បានផ្ដើមកសាងឈាបនដ្ឋាន (ទីបូជាសព) ក្នុង វត្តឧណ្ណាលោម ដែលមានលោកអ្នកឧកញ៉ាតេជះ តាន់ ម៉ៅ ជាអ្នកចេញប្រាក់កសាងឲ្យកើតមានក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាមុនដំបូង បង្អស់ គ.ស.១៩៥៣។
២៦. បាន ផ្ដើមសង់ឧបដ្ឋានសាលាសម្រាប់មន្ត្រីសង្ឃ ដែលនិមន្តមកក្នុងឱកាសអនុសំវច្ឆរមហាសន្និបាត ដើម្បីប្រជុំទទួលភត្តាហារ និងសម្រាប់ភ្ជុំបិណ្ឌដែលគហបតី លី ស៊ុនងន, ឧបាសិកា តាន់ ស៊ីប៊ី ចេញប្រាក់កសាង។
២៧. បានបង្កើតឲ្យមានការហាត់រៀនប្រឡងសូត្របាតិមោក្ខបាលី។
២៨. បាន រៀបចំតាំងគណៈកម្មការសង្ឃ និងគណៈកម្មការគ្រហស្ថតាមផ្លូវការគ្រប់វត្តទាំងអស់ ដើម្បីរៀបចំទីវត្តឲ្យស្អាត ទាំងមានរបៀបរៀបរយ តាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩៥៥ដរាបមក។
ស្នាព្រះហស្តខាងអក្សរសាស្ត្រនៃសម្ដេច
ព្រះសង្ឃរាជ បានកសាងគម្ពីរដីកាជាច្រើនណាស់ ទាំងគម្ពីរស្លឹករឹត ទាំងសៀវភៅ ជាពិសេស គឺសៀវភៅដែលសម្ដេចប្រមូលរៀបរៀង និងសៀវភៅដែលទ្រង់ប្រែពីបាលីមកជាភាសាខ្មែរ សម្រាប់ពុទ្ធបរិស័ទរៀនសូត្រ។ សៀវភៅខ្លះជាសៀវភៅដែលកម្រនឹងធ្វើកើត ទាំងមានប្រយោជន៍ជាច្រើនណាស់គឺ៖
១. វចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ មាន២ភាគ ក្នុងព.ស.២៤៦១ គ.ស.១៩១៧ សៀវភៅនេះបានបោះពុម្ពច្រើនគ្រាមកហើយ។
២. កច្ចាយនូបត្ថម្ភកៈ (វេយ្យាករណ៍បាលី) មាន២ភាគ តាំងពីព.ស.២៤៦២ គ.ស.១៩១៨ បានបោះពុម្ពច្រើនគ្រាហើយ។
៣. គហិបដិបត្តិ ក្នុងព.ស.២៤៦៨ គ.ស.១៩២៦ ជាមួយនឹងព្រះឧត្ដមមុនី អ៊ុម ស៊ូ និងព្រះពោធិវ័ង្ស ហួត តាត តាមបញ្ជានៃព្រះតេជព្រះគុណព្រះមហាវិមលធម្ម ថោង (ពុទ្ធសាសនបណ្ឌិត្យ)។
៤. សាមណេរវិន័យ ក្នុងព.ស.២៤៦០ គ.ស.១៩១៧ ជាមួយនឹងព្រះថេរៈទាំងពីរព្រះអង្គខាងលើនេះដែរ។
៥. បាតិមោក្ខសំវរសង្ខេប (សម្រាយ) ព.ស.២៤៧០ គ.ស.១៩២៨ បានបោះពុម្ពច្រើនគ្រាហើយ។ មានសៀវភៅឯទៀតៗជាច្រើនដែលជាបន្ទាប់បន្សំ។
៦. កាព្យលោកធម៌ បោះពុម្ពដំបូងក្នុងព.ស.២៥០០ គ.ស.១៩៥៧។ កាព្យនេះទ្រង់តែងកាលនៅជាព្រះគ្រូសង្ឃសត្ថា។
៧. នាគោបមាទិកថា ព.ស.២៤៧៥ គ.ស.១៩៣៣។
៨. ព.ស.២៤៨៤ គ.ស.១៩៤១ សម្ដេចបានតែងសុភមង្គលគាថាបាលីបឋ្យាវត្ត៧គាថា ព្រមទាំងប្រែជាសម្រាយផង សម្រាប់សូត្រថ្វាយសុភមង្គលសួស្ដីចំពោះព្រះករុណាជាអម្ចាស់ជីវិត ព្រះបាទសម្ដេចព្រះ នរោត្ដម សីហនុវរ្ម័ន។
៩. បព្វជ្ជាខន្ធកៈពិស្ដារ។
១០. ចីវរក្ខន្ធៈពិស្ដារ។
១១. អត្ថបទ ផ្សេងៗជាច្រើនក្នុងទស្សនាវដ្ដីកម្ពុជសុរិយារបស់ពុទ្ធសាសន បណ្ឌិត្យ តាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩២៦ និងឆ្នាំតៗមក ដែលពុំអាចស្រាវជ្រាវមកដាក់ក្នុងទីនេះបានដោយពេលមមាញឹក ព្រមទាំងអត្ថបទធម៌ឯទៀតៗជាច្រើន ដែលបោះពុម្ពចុះក្នុងទស្សនាវដ្ដីពន្លឺពុទ្ធចក្រ។
១២. បាន ពិនិត្យកែសម្រួលពាក្យពេចន៍របស់គណៈកម្មការខេមរយានកម្ម ដោយព្រះមេត្តាជួយឲ្យគណៈកម្មការនេះជារបស់ក្រសួងអប់រំជាតិ បានរួបរួមបោះពុម្ពជាសៀវភៅទស្សនាវដ្ដីសម្រាប់បង្រៀនសិស្សផ្នែក មធ្យមសិក្សាចេញរៀងរាល់ខែ។ ព្រះកេរ្តិ៍មួយសំខាន់ណាស់ដែលរលឹកឃើញបានរាល់ថ្ងៃ គឺព្រះរាជនិពន្ធទំនុកច្រៀង បទនគររាជ សម្រាប់ភ្លេងជាតិខ្មែរ ទ្រង់បាននិពន្ធពីថ្ងៃទី២០ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ១៩៤១ និងទំនុក ព្រមទាំងបទ សរភញ្ញ ដែលទ្រង់បាននិពន្ធកាលពីឱកាសបុណ្យពុទ្ធសករាជ២៥០០។
ព្រះគុណសម្បត្តិនៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ
ព្រះគុណសម្បត្តិនៃសម្ដេចជាអម្ចាស់មានច្រើនយ៉ាងណាស់ ប៉ុន្តែយើងខ្ញុំបានពិចារណាដោយហ្មត់ចត់ ហើយសរសេររួបរួមប្រមូលយកចំពោះតែគោលធំៗ ដោយសង្ខេបមានប្រាំយ៉ាង ដូចសេចក្ដីរៀបរៀងវែកញែកតទៅនេះ៖
១. វីរិយភាពក្នុងការសិក្សា
២. បដិភាណប្បញ្ញា “ប្រាជ្ញាវាងវៃ”
៣. វេសារជ្ជប្បញ្ញា “បញ្ញាក្លៀវក្លាអង់អាច”
៤. ធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យ “ភាពឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងធម្មទេសនា”
៥. បណីតសកម្មភាព “សកម្មភាពដ៏ប្រសើរ”
អធិប្បាយពង្រីកសេចក្ដីចំពោះគុណសម្បត្តិនីមួយៗ
១. វីរិយភាព នៃសម្ដេចជាអម្ចាស់ ដែលមនុស្សចាស់ទុំធ្លាប់បានសង្កេតតាំងពីសម្ដេចមានព្រះជន្មនៅ ក្មេង គឺតាំងពីនៅជាសាមណេរដរាបមករហូតដល់សម្ដេចមានព្រះជន្មជ្រុលចូល មកបច្ឆិមវ័យហើយ ក៏នៅតែព្យាយាមឥតមានបន្ធូរបន្ថយបញ្ឈប់សេចក្ដីព្យាយាមនោះឡើយ សូម្បីព្រះអង្គមានសមណៈស័ក្តិដ៏ខ្ពស់បំផុតទីជាសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ហើយក៏ដោយ។ វីរិយភាព នេះប្រែថា សេចក្ដីព្យាយាម ឬថាប្រឹងប្រែង រាប់ថាជាបារមីមួយរបស់ព្រះពោធិសត្វដែលយើងធ្លាប់ចេះដឹងមកហើយ ហៅថា វីរយៈបារមី។
បណ្ដាកិច្ចការគ្រប់យ៉ាង រមែងប្រកបដោយឧបសគ្គ គឺធម៌ជាគរឿងរារាំងបើមិនច្រើនក៏តិច តែថាបើសេចក្ដីព្យាយាម មានកម្លាំងក្លៀវក្លា ក៏អាចពុះពារចំពោះឧបសគ្គនោះបានដោយពិតសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជទ្រង់មាន វីរយៈធម៌ដ៏រឹងប៉ឹងជាទីបំផុត បានជាព្រះអង្គចេះតែមានជ័យជម្នះសង្កត់ទៅលើឧបសគ្គគ្រប់យ៉ាងបាន ជាដរាប ទោះបីព្រះអង្គហត់នឿយណាស់ ប៉ុន្តែព្រះអង្គមិនសូវចេះត្អូញត្អែរឡើយ។ ករណីកិច្ចណាមួយដែលគេត្រូវធ្វើដោយកាយក្ដី ដោយវាចាក្ដី ដោយចិត្តក្ដី អាចសម្រេចទៅបានដោយកម្លាំង នៃសេចក្ដីព្យាយាមទាំងអស់។ ឥរិយាបទទាំង៤ គឺការដើរ ឈរ អង្គុយ ដេក ដែលនាំឲ្យសម្រេចប្រយោជន៍ទៅបាន ដ៏ដោយគុណានុភាពនៃសេចក្ដីព្យាយាមដែរ។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ព្រះអង្គមានវីរិយបារមីដ៏បរិបូណ៌ណាស់ សូម្បីសម្ដេចដែលមានព្រះជន្ម៨៦ឆ្នាំហើយ ក៏នៅបំពេញកិច្ចការរបស់ព្រះអង្គឥតមានបន្ធូរបន្ថយព្រះកាយពលឡើយ។ ដូចយ៉ាងព្រះអង្គចាប់ធ្វើវចនានុក្រមខ្មែរ ទ្រង់ឥតមានសំចៃកម្លាំង និងពេលវេលាទេ។ សម្ដេចយកពេលយប់ធ្វើជាថ្ងៃ យកពេលថ្ងៃធ្វើជាយប់ ខំប្រឹងសរសេររៀបរៀង តាំងពីព្រលប់រហូតដល់ភ្លឺក៏មាន លុះទ្រង់សោយយាគូរួច ចាប់សរសេរតទៅទៀត ទាល់តែដល់ពេលម៉ោង១១ក៏មាន។ ក្នុងរយៈវេលាយប់មួយ សម្ដេចទ្រង់បានផ្ទុំក្នុងរវាង៤ ឬ៥ម៉ោងប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ ការប្រព្រឹត្តដោយសេចក្ដីព្យាយាម នៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជនេះជាការកម្រមនុស្សធ្វើបានណាស់។
២. បដិភាណប្បញ្ញា “បញ្ញាវាងវៃ” ប្រាជ្ញាសំដៅយកការចេះដឹងយល់ទូទៅ ឬការយល់ច្បាស់លាស់ចំពោះហេតុការណ៍ផ្សេងៗតាមធម្មតា។ ដែលលោកហៅថា “បដិភាណប្បញ្ញា” នោះ សំដៅយកប្រាជ្ញាដែលកើតឡើងភ្លាមៗ ហើយអាចឆ្លើយតបវិញបានភ្លាម មិនបាច់គិតគូរអស់វេលាយូរទេ។ ប្រាជ្ញារបស់សម្ដេចកើតឡើងរហ័សក្នុងពេលដែលគេចោទសួរ ឬនិយាយឲ្យឮភ្លាមក៏អាចដឹងទាន់ចាប់ភ្លឹកនឹកឃើញ ឆ្លើយវិញបានភ្លាម ហាក់ដូចជាបានគូសដៅទុកយូរហើយ។ ប្រាជ្ញាស្មារតីរហ័សវាងវៃ ប្រកបដោយសមត្ថភាព ឆាប់យល់ហេតុការណ៍គ្រប់យ៉ាង ដែលអាចដឹងទាន់ភ្លាមៗ ដូចអធិប្បាយដោយសង្ខេបមកនេះ ហៅថា “បដិភាណប្បញ្ញា”។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ មានបដិភាណប្បញ្ញានេះបរិបូណ៌ណាស់ ដូចយ៉ាង សម្ដេចដែលបានទ្រង់យាងទៅកាន់ទីប្រជុំណាមួយ ដែលមានសមាជិកជាន់ខ្ពស់ ហើយគេត្រូវសាកសួរនិយាយពិភាក្សាការណ៍ជាចាំបាច់ ដែលទាក់ទងមកលើសម្ដេចភ្លាម ទ្រង់ក៏អាចឆ្លើយដោះស្រាយទាន់បានភ្លាមវិញដែរ។
៣. វេសារជ្ជប្បញ្ញា “បញ្ញាអង់អាច ក្លៀវក្លា” ភាពនៃប្រាជ្ញាអង់អាចក្លៀវក្លានេះ ជាគុណសម្បត្តិមួយដ៏ប្រសើររបស់មនុស្ស។ ប្រាជ្ញារបស់សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជជាអម្ចាស់របស់យើង រាប់ថាជាប្រាជ្ញាមួយដ៏ខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់ អាចពោលបានថា សម្ដេចមានវេសារជ្ជប្បញ្ញាគ្រប់គ្រាន់ ព្រោះព្រះអង្គបានទទួលព្រះកិត្តិនាមដ៏ខ្ចរខ្ចាយទៅក្នុងប្រទេស និងក្រៅប្រទេស។ ដូចយ៉ាងសម្ដេចទ្រង់យ៉ាងទៅកាន់ទីប្រជុំធំៗក្នុងប្រទេសដទៃ ព្រះអង្គតែងបន្លឺសីហនាទ ប្រកបដោយប្រាជ្ញាដ៏ក្លៀវក្លា អង់អាចឥតញាប់ញ័រតក់ស្លុតចំពោះទីប្រជុំនោះឡើយ។
ប្រាជ្ញាដែលក្លៀវក្លាអង់អាច ដូចអធិប្បាយដោយសង្ខេបមកនេះហៅថា “វេសារជ្ជប្បញ្ញា”។
៤. ធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យ “ក្លារឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងធម្មទេសនា”
ភាពនៃការឈ្លាសវៃមានច្រើនយ៉ាង គឺឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងអំពើបាបក៏មាន ក្នុងអំពើបុណ្យក៏មានឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងអំពើឥតប្រយោជន៍ក៏មាន ក្នុងអំពើមានប្រយោជន៍ក៏មាន។ ការឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងទីនេះសំដៅយកហេតុការណ៍ដែលមានប្រយោជន៍ចំពោះមនុស្ស ក្នុងបច្ចុប្បន្ន និងក្នុងអនាគត។ ដែលហៅថា “ធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យ” សំដៅយកការឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងធម្មទេសនា។ សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជទ្រង់មានភាពឈ្លាសវៃក្នុងធម្មទេសនាដោយ គ្រប់គ្រាន់។
ធម្មទេសនានៃសម្ដេចប្រកបដោយប្រយោជន៍ទាំងផ្លូវលោក ទាំងផ្លូវធម៌ អាចបំភ្លឺពុទ្ធបរិស័ទប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឲ្យយល់ផ្លូវខុស ផ្លូវត្រូវ ឲ្យជឿជាក់ចំពោះជាតិ សាសនា និងព្រះរាជបល្ល័ង្ក។ ព្រះធម្មទេសនា នៃសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជចាត់ទុកថាជាមូលដ្ឋានមួយដ៏ស្ដុកស្ដម្ភអាច បំភ្លឺប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឲ្យមានការព្យាយាម មានជំហររឹងប៉ឹង ឲ្យប្រឹងប្រែងប្រកបការងារកុំឲ្យខ្ជិលច្រអូស ឲ្យមានធម៌សាមគ្គី មូលមិត្តជាឯកភាពក្នុងរវាងជាតិ សាសនា និងព្រះរាជបល្ល័ង្ករបស់យើង ដើម្បីឲ្យខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់ថ្កើងរុងរឿងតទៅអនាគត។ ធម្មទេសនានៃសម្ដេច ឈ្មោះថាជាធម្មទេសនាទ្រោលបំភ្លឺពុទ្ធបរិស័ទប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឲ្យយល់ ប្រយោជន៍គ្រប់យ៉ាង បំភ្លឺទាំងខាងគុណសម្បត្តិ ទាំងគុណវិបត្តិ ជាធម្មទេសនាប្រកបដោយមធ្យោបាយដ៏ប្រសើរវិសេស អាចដឹកនាំចង្អុលបង្ហាញប្រយោជន៍បច្ចុប្បន្ន និងប្រយោជន៍អនាគត ហៅថាជាព្រះធម្មួទេសនាដាស់ពុទ្ធបរិស័ទឲ្យភ្ញាក់ខ្លួនក្រោកឡើង ប្រកបការងារដើម្បីឲ្យមានជីវភាពខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់ឲ្យសមគួរដល់កិត្តិយស របស់យើងរាល់គ្នា ជាប្រជាពលរដ្ឋរបស់ប្រទេសឯករាជ្យ ឲ្យចេះឈឺឆ្អាលស្រឡាញ់ជាតិ សាសនា និងព្រះរាជបល្ល័ង្ករបស់យើង។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ មានធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យដ៏បរិបូណ៌។ ធម្មទេសនារបស់សម្ដេចគួររាប់ថាជាធម្មទេសនាយឺតយោង ស្រោចស្រង់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឲ្យមានសតិសម្បជញ្ញៈរឹងប៉ឹង បរិបូណ៌ឡើងទាំងផ្លូវពុទ្ធចក្រ និងផ្លូវអាណាចក្រ ដើម្បីឲ្យចក្រទាំងពីរវិលលឿនទៅស្មើគ្នា។ ធម្មទេសនារបស់សម្ដេចគួរលើកថា ជាធម្មទេសនាបើកលោក គឺប្រទេសកម្ពុជាទាំងមូលឲ្យមានប្រាជ្ញាស្មារតីភ្លឺស្វាង រុងរឿងឡើងដោយពិត ដែលអាចផ្ដល់មធ្យោបាយដ៏ប្រសើរ ឲ្យប្រជាពលរដ្ឋភ្ញាក់ខ្លួនប្រាណចេះជួយខ្លួនដោយខ្លួនឯង។
សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ជាព្រះធម្មកថិកមួយព្រះអង្គយ៉ាងឯក ពុំមានព្រះធម្មកថិកណាមួយប្រៀបស្មើបាយឡើយ។ ធម្មទេសនាដែលពីរោះក្បោះក្បាយប្រកបដោយពាក្យពេចន៍ ប្រយោគមានប្រធានមានរបៀបរៀបរយ មានកម្រងនៃពាក្យសម្ដីដ៏ត្រឹមត្រូវឥតឃ្លៀងឃ្លាត ភ្លាំងភ្លាត់ទាំងប្រកបដោយឧត្ដមគតិ ដៅចំពោះប្រយោជន៍ក្នុងបច្ចុប្បន្ន និងអនាគតដូចសេចក្ដីអធិប្បាយមកនេះហៅថា “ធម្មទេសនាកោសល្យ”។
៥. បណីតសកម្មភាព “សកម្មភាពដ៏ប្រសើរ”
ការងាររបស់សម្ដេចព្រអសង្ឃរាជ សុទ្ធតែជាការងារមានប្រយោជន៍ដ៏ឧត្ដុងឧត្ដម ចំពោះពុទ្ធបរិស័ទ ពុំមានការងារណាមួយ ដែលឥតប្រយោជន៍នោះទេ។
សម្ដេចបានធ្វើបុណ្យផ្សេងៗជាច្រើនដងណាស់ មានកឋិនទានជាដើម ក្នុងឆ្នាំនីមួយៗបានធ្វើកឋិន២ ឬ៣វត្ត រៀងរាល់ឆ្នាំ ឥតដែលខានឡើយ។
កិច្ចការរបស់សម្ដេចសុទ្ធតែមានគោលដៅឆ្ពោះទៅរកសេចក្ដីសុខ សេចក្ដីចម្រើន ទាំងលោកនេះ ទាំងលោកខាងមុខដោយពិតប្រាកដ សឹងមានភ័ស្តុតាងយ៉ាងជាក់លាក់ក្នុងព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិនេះ។ ចូរមើលបរិច្ឆេទនៃព្រះរាជជីវប្រវត្តិត្រង់បរិច្ឆេទទី៥ ទី៦ និងទី១០។
សម្ដេចមានព្រហ្មវិហារដ៏ទូលាយ សង្គ្រោះដល់សាធារណជនមិនត្បិតត្បៀតពេកឡើយ កិច្ចការដែលចេះតែមាន ចេះតែដើរទៅស្រួល មិនចេះឈប់ មិនចេះគាំង នៅថែមទាំងមានប្រយោជន៍ដ៏ខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់ ហៅថា “បណីតសកម្មភាព”។
សកម្មភាពរបស់សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ប្រកបដោយហេតុផលល្អណាស់ អាចបង្ហាញជាឧទាហរណ៍មួយ ដើម្បីបញ្ជាក់វរជន បញ្ញវន្តទាំងសម័យចាស់ សម័យថ្មីដែលគួរជាទិដ្ឋានុគតិ (ការយកតម្រាប់តាម) បានដោយពិត ដោយហេតុដែលឃើញរូបរាង កិច្ចការជាភ័ស្តុតាងផង ទ្រឹស្ដីការងារដ៏ប្រសើរយ៉ាងនេះផងទើបហៅថា “បណីតសកម្មភាព”។
១១. ចរិតលក្ខណៈបរិច្ឆេទ (កំណត់អំពីលក្ខណៈនៃចរិតប្រក្រតី)
ការប្រព្រឹត្តជាប់ដោយកាយ វាចា ចិត្តគ្រប់ពេលវេលាយូរៗទៅ អាចជាប់ទៅជាទម្លាប់ ហៅថា “ចរិតប្រក្រតី”។ ដូចយ៉ាងសម្ដីគ្រោតគ្រាត ដែលធ្លាប់និយាយជាប់ជាទំនៀម ហៅថា ចរិតគ្រោតគ្រាត។ ការនិយាយកុហកលេងចំពោះមិត្តសំឡាញ់ យូរៗទៅក៏អាចធ្លាប់មាត់ជាទំនៀម នេះហៅថា ចរិតកុហក។
ការជក់បារី ដើមដំបូងឃើញគេជក់ ក៏ជក់លេងតាមគេ យូរៗទៅក៏អាចជាប់ជាទំនៀមជក់បារី។
ការដេកថ្ងៃ ដើមដំបូងឃើញគេដេកថ្ងៃ ក៏ដេកតាមគេ លុះដេកថ្ងៃយូរៗទៅក៏អាចក្លាយជាទំនៀម នេះហៅថា ចរិតដេកថ្ងៃ។
ការប្រព្រឹត្តិទាល់តែជាប់ប្រយោគ ដែលអាចលះចេញបានដោយកម្រ ដូច្នេះហៅថា “ចរិតប្រក្រតី” សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ព្រះអង្គក៏មានចរិតប្រក្រតីដែរ ប៉ុន្តែចរិតរបស់សម្ដេចជាចរិតធូរស្រាល ពុំមែននាំឲ្យខូចខាតពេលវេលា ខូចខាតប្រយោជន៍នោះឡើយ។
មនុស្សខ្លះមានចរិតប្រក្រតីជាប់ជោកធ្ងន់ណាស់ ដូចយ៉ាងចរិតប្រក្រតីផឹកស្រាទាល់តែកឹកជាប់ ដែលអាចលះបង់ចេញមិនបាន។ ចរិតប្រក្រតីបែបនេះ ឈ្មោះថាជាចរិតនាំឲ្យខូចខាតទាំងជីវិតខ្លួនឯង ទាំងទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិរបស់ខ្លួន។
ការជក់អាភៀន ក៏អាចនាំឲ្យជាប់ញៀន លះចេញបានដោយកម្រណាស់។ ការញៀនអាភៀននេះ ហៅថា ចរិតប្រក្រតីជក់អាភៀន។ មនុស្សអ្នកមានចរិតបែបនេះ នាំឲ្យខូចខាតទាំងជីវិត ទាំងទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិ ជាងចរិតអ្នកផឹកសុរាច្រើនណាស់ទៅទៀត។
Samdech Choun Nath
First of all, I would to introduce the Cambodia site to all of you before describing the situation of Buddhism in the country; as you may know among the Buddhist countries in the world, Cambodia is one of the five Theravada Buddhist countries.Cambodia is located in the southern edge of the huge peninsula which is known as Indochina or mainland in South East Asia. There are about 181,035 Sq kilometers in size and she has border to the west and north with Thailand and Loa, to the east and to the south with Vietnam and China’s sea. She is administratively divided into 24 provinces and cities; out of about 13 millions of the today Cambodia population, 95 percents are Buddhists. Therefore, Cambodia has been a stronghold of Theravada Buddhism; according to the constitution, Buddhism is the state religion of this country. Buddhism has been playing a very important role in the lives of Cambodian people both in the past and present.
All the Cambodian kings dedicated their lives for the sake of promoting and propagating their religion. Under the patronage of the former king, his majesty Norodom Sihanouk Varman (Narottama Siha hanu Varman) who just abdicated last year (2003), once became a monk in order to be free from bringing about all reform in his kingdom, and especially with the vigorous guidance of His holiness Samdech Preah Sa¼gharæja Mahæ Sumedhædhipati ( Chuon Nath), the late supreme of Mahænikæya Buddhist sect, Cambodia has made a rapid progress in organization the education of the religious order and propagating the faith among the laity. Cambodia has as many as 2800 monasteries with 82000 monks and novices.
In 1914, the government opened, in Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia, a Pali high school where young monks were instructed and gave Diploma after for years training. The instruction was not only confined to the religion subjects but also including subjects useful in the temporal world. This school has now developed into college. In 1933, the authority began to establish elementary Pali school, where the monks are trained. The last few years a new re-opened Buddhist University which known as Preah Sihanouk Raj Buddhist University.
To achieve this program of religious instruction in Phnom Penh a Royal library was opened in 1925 and a Buddhist Institute in 1930, later the government appointed a Tipi¥aka boards consisting of eminent scholars who were asked to prepare for publication Pali Texts and Cambodian transitions. The library output of this instruction in highly credible. There are 110 volumes in bilingual series (Pali- Cambodia). A copy of all the texts of the Pali canon written by hands were sent to the sixth Buddhist council (Chattasa¼gæyana) help in Rangoon, Burma (1954-1956).
Among the ten volumes published in Pali and translation (1938-1954) are the Abhidhamma Sa¼gaha (1938), the Visuddhimagga (1946), Bhikkhupatimokkha (1950), Ma¼gala¥¥hadipanø (1952), and the Abhidhamma pi¥aka and the Sattappakærana Abhidhamma (1953), not fewer than 187 volumes, mostly on religious subjects, have been published in the Cambodian language by the various libraries and institutions. Thus, Cambodia has made tremendous progress in field of populization of Pali studies and the education of the monks. Not only that in order to keep close cooperation between the Buddhist monastic order and the government, the ministry of religious affair was founded.
Senior members of the monastic order take part in newly all state ceremonies and observances. In turn, the government protects the land and revenues of the order, gives financial support to the maintenance of the monasteries, promotes the monastic education and fosters Buddhist teaching in schools and on radio and TV program.
The oath of allegiance ceremony in which loyalty was pledged to the king superseded by a government sponsored Constitution Day in which religious ceremonies had prominent places.
The Hierarchical system of monastic activities is kept under careful supervision and good discipline maintained among the quarter million monks and novice. The administrative structure of the order in Cambodia is closely parallel that of the civil government at all levels, provincial as well as central.
The ministry of religious affair looks like as special secretary general of the monastic order. The ministry oversees the budget of the monastic order and assists the officers of the order with their administrative duties.
The heads of Sa¼ghas in Cambodia are the supreme patriarchies, the Samdech Preah Sa¼gharæja who were appointed by the king consultation with the order. The supreme patriarchies are chosen of the basic of rank and abilities. They are two in number, one is to govern the Mahænikæya sect and another is to control the Dhammayuttikanikæya one, ordinarily they remain in the office until their deaths. The present Sangharaja are Samdech Preah Sumedhædhipati Tep Vong of Mahænikæya and Samdech Preah Sugandhadhipati Bur Kry.
Cambodia literatures and mural arts have heavily upon the Sutta Pi¥aka and Jætaka tales of the Buddha. Aside from music and drama, Buddhism has been the inspiration of the most Cambodian art forms.
Buddhist temples are always the most beautiful and ornate building in the villages. The interior walls of the temple often are covered with mural painting, doors and windows are decorated with intricate designs of foliage of devotes in gold against background of or black lacquer and eaves and gables adorned with wood carving. Mosaic of the porcelain and colored grass often covered the pillars, the altars and sometimes portions of the wall of the Vihæra. The balustrades are frequently made in the form of Naga with the heads serving for newel points. Figure of the Devas and animals are sometimes set above the bases of Cetiya or of temple libraries. Considerable artistry is devoted to the roofs, which highly decorated gables. Within the images of the Buddha of various sizes, some of metal, bronze, gold or silver, others of stone or crystal or of brick covered with mother of pearl designs and various utensils and insignia of rank used in the priesthood are of the same material. Boxes, bowls and utensils are also made of gold or silver.
In the former years, every young man was expected to spend at least a few months in the monastic order to make merit for oneself and others and to study religious subjects (Buddhism). This practice has diminished somewhat because of the competition of economic and educational goals for young man today.
Cambodia, however, accept their religion as heritage of belief, teaching and custom, which in time of rejoicing or death, meet emotional needs and provides answers to the mysteries of life. It supply as doctrine of man, metaphysics, a moral law and an ultimate goal. For daily life, it provides ways for making merit for self and others; devotional exercises austerities, ascetic, enjoyment, and assurance of safety and good fortune by ways of devotion, good conduct, amulets and verbal mantras.
The followers did not formulate the teaching but came to require of the religion such answer and rites as Buddhism could provide. Gift taken to the monasteries are usually carried on silver tray or in silver bowls. It has heavily been devoted to the temple and result may be seen in long sloth banners with hang in temple, in special robes for image, in cloth bags give to the monks for carrying scripture and small objects, and in ornate fans which mark the ecclesiastical rank of the Bhikkhu or monks. The art of the scribe has been exercise in the making ollas sacred palm leaf books with character in Cambodian inscribed with a stylus, then inked, and the whole bound between ornate covers decorated with gold.
During its long residence in Cambodia Buddhism has been become literally rooted in the soul. Excavators constantly find bronze and stone image of the Buddha in the unexpected places, perhaps while digging the foundations or irrigation ditches. Children and adults often wear Buddhist amulets for adornment and protection.
For centuries before Cambodia established its modern educational system, the monasteries gave instruction in reading, writing and simple arithmetic to the novices and small boys in residence. The temple boys were primarily servants who run errands carried parcels for the monks, and help to keep the monasteries premises clean. In return they received food and lodging, moral and religious instruction and a chance to study in a primary school. Some of the boys are relative of the monks, some orphans, some the children of families living far from monastery.
In Phnom Penh, hundreds if not thousand of boys and young men living in monastery dormitories while attending high school and university. They may or may not be depend upon the monastery for food. Cambodia is proud to say that current Prime Minister, Hun Sen, is one of them.
The public schools are conducted in the monasteries, formerly religious instruction in accordance with the tenets of Buddhism was provided for all government schools. In addition, the textbooks including materials on social behavior to meet the present day condition were provided. Lager monasteries with from fifty to five hundred resident monks and novices living depending upon the character and enterprise of the abbot. Large and well run monastery has a Vihæra or temple to worship as the principle building, an Uposatha building of similar design for ecclesiastic rites, one or more Cetiyas or Stupas and numerous of huts for monks and pavilions of Sæla for lay visitors. Temple yard is swept clean and sanded it may be brightened with a few flowers and shrubs cultivated by monks or by some devotees. They are together by ties of custom and reciprocal services. By gradual adjustment through the centuries, Buddhism has become indigenous in Cambodia.
The pattern of relationship between monks and laity is in effect reciprocal and as far as the merit making is concerned, economic cost of supplying the Sa¼gha with food, gift and other necessary is great. The rich and highly ranking devotees are expected to contribute their wealth for upkeep for the monasteries and the monks proportionately more than are the poor, but this seems not be the case. It has been observed that the poor too, tend to spend a larger proportion of their income on making merit than their wealthier neighbor do. Here as they think that they would like to offset the previous evil or bad deed, which cause their poverty in these very lives. The poor also believe that a larger proportion of economic expenditure on merit making that they have spent as a kind of investment, and will lead to bigger accumulation of merit and greater enhancement of well being.
As observance, the most meritorious deed that Cambodia consider, are in descending of importance as following:
1. Becoming a novice (sæma¼era).
2. Becoming a monks (higher ordination or Uposatha).
3. Contributing enough money for the construction of monastery.
4. having a son ordained as the monk.
5. Making excursion to Buddhist shrines throughout the country.
6. Making contribution toward the reparation of the monastery.
7. Offering food daily and on the Sabbath day.
8. Attending the monastery on the Sabbath day and observing the eight precepts (Uposatha Søla)
9. Observing the five precepts all the time.
10. Offering money and cloth to the monks on Kathina ceremony.
11. Attending ceremonies on Visaka full moon day.
12. Offering food and cloths to the monks on Pchum Ben Day (ceremony which Cambodian celebrates for dedicating wholesome deed to those who passed away or Peta).
13. Celebrating and making merit during the Khmer New Year, etc…
Anyhow, Buddhist ceremonies in Cambodia are difficult to classify because they are numerous and yet pass the common characteristics. The Sa¼gha, the third of the triple gems, Buddha, Dhamma, and the order, participates in all formal Buddhist ceremonies including daily and weekly worship service and state, memorial occasional and life cycle rites.
Buddhism today has become dominant great in Cambodia. It influences all walks of lives of the Cambodian; it is hardly to convert them to other faith, for instance, during the colony, French had tried to introduce the Roman Catholic form of the Christianity to the land, Cambodia remained steadfast in their ancient culture (Buddhism).
Cambodia is proud to mention that her people from the grass to the top of the society have enthusiastically supports their belief. They in order to show their strong support and believes to their creed had become monks for sometimes in their lives. Some of the present Cambodian leaders who had been monks are:
- His Majesty King Sihanouk Varman (the former king who abdicate last year).
- His highest Prince Norodom Ranaridh, the president of the National Assembly.
- His highest Prince Norodom Sirivudh, the vice Prime minister and minister of ministry of interior.
- His Excellency, Chea Sim, the president of the senate.
- His Excellency, Dr. Sam Rangsy, the leader of the opposition Sam Rangsy party.
These are few names among them who had been, once time or another, monks in their lives. This clearly proves that Cambodia had made the tremendous progress in the popularization of Buddhism. Therefore, the religion is so important in the people’s life that cannot be separable from each other. It may not be in exaggeration to say that Buddhism has deeply penetrated into Cambodian’s hearts.
Ven. Sin Kong (Indriyasamvara)
Cambodian Monk, B. A (B.Dh)
Reference:
1. History of the Theravada Buddhism in South East Asia, by K.L. Hazra, University
of Culcutta, 1982.
2. Pali literature of South East Asia, by Ven. Dr. H. Saddhatissa, 1990.
3. Encyclopedia of Buddhism. 2005
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